Suchergebnisse

Explores the outcomes of environmental protest in communities of Southern Japan. A typology is introduced that affects social movements & their outcomes, which blends the factors of resource distribution, subjective orientations that constitute culture, & social relations. The 'thickness' of institutionalized networks, norms, & roles within Japan is contrasted by the lesser connection between subjective motivations & social action -- both reveal the variation of social movement tactics in Japan than typical tactics in the US or Europe & make the role of social networks increasingly important. 1 Table, 3 Figures. L. Collins Leigh

Explores the outcomes of environmental protest in communities of Southern Japan. A typology is introduced that affects social movements & their outcomes, which blends the factors of resource distribution, subjective orientations that constitute culture, & social relations. The 'thickness' of institutionalized networks, norms, & roles within Japan is contrasted by the lesser connection between subjective motivations & social action -- both reveal the variation of social movement tactics in Japan than typical tactics in the US or Europe & make the role of social networks increasingly important. 1 Table, 3 Figures. L. Collins Leigh

Concludes a collection of essays on environmental protest in Europe, 1988-1997, providing a comparative analysis of the eight countries examined separately in the contributions with the overarching intention of gauging the impact of institutionalization. The number of reported protest incidents, the key issues (nature conservation, animal rights, energy, pollution, & transport), & the shifting forms of protest (conventional, demonstrative, confrontational, & violent), & the scale of such events are discussed, indicating cross-national differences & similarities. The disruptive nature of environmental protest is addressed, finding German protest to be the most disruptive & British protest to be the least violent. Explanations for the patterns of protest repertoires are proffered. In terms of actors, two kinds predominated: formal environmental movement organizations & entities comprising local campaigns, informal groups, & ad hoc coalitions. The idea of a cohesive movement as manifest in the existence of networks is next considered, addressing two key difficulties in discerning such organization: (1) Most EMO interaction does not occur in the public sphere. (2) Many EMOs avoid publicly linking themselves to protest events & find it tactically advantageous to form ad hoc campaign groups in some cases. The issues of localism & transnationalization are then contemplated, along with the national political context in which all forms of environmentalism reside. It is concluded that the institutionalization of environmentalism that occurred over the decade has not resulted in a clear decline in protest & may, in fact, lead to new waves of activism. 1 Table, 4 Figures. J. Zendejas

Argues that media discourse influences the collective action frames of social movements & protest in three ways: (1) the narrative form of media discourse tends to orient claims of injustice to specific actors; (2) media discourse amplifies a few select types of collective action that are inherently dramatic, but in general, renders invisible most forms of citizen political participation; & (3) media discourse privileges an adversiarial rather than consensual sense of identity. This argument is illustrated via review of earlier work & the secondary literature. The task of collective action frames is described as tying collective understandings to personal experience, suggesting that social movement organizers who want to use the media ought to demonstrate how their collective frames are relevant to the lives of individuals & create situations in which individuals can gain experiential knowledge of injustices. It is asserted that this strategy will draw out the latent sense of agency within people rather than approach them as passive objects to be manipulated. D. M. Smith