Suchergebnisse

This paper analyzes the socio-cognitive and emotional processes related to collective action in the context of the 2019 populist social movement in Chile. It proposes an integrative explanation of populism as social movements and collective gatherings along with their relation with creativity and social representations of mass movements. A comprehensive online survey was used (n = 262) that included measures of participation in demonstrations, identification with protesters or the government, agreement with social movement grievances, collective efficacy, perceived emotional synchrony, collective action, self-reported cognitive creativity, and individuals' proposals for improvement of society and ideas associated with stimuli (e.g., the concepts of majority or minority). Our results revealed that identification with demonstrators, agreement with protesters' grievances, a high perceived emotional synchrony or collective effervescence, and higher creativity responses were associated with an active participation in the social movement. Higher participation and factors conducive to participation were associated with lexical clusters of responses to stimuli that include words such as rights, justice, injustice, bravery, dignity, or hope, which were conceived of as positive social representations of the populist social movement. These findings are discussed within the neo-Durkheimian framework of collective gatherings and the perspective of populism as a social movement that seeks to renew and expand democracy. Copyright © 2021 Castro-Abril, Da Costa, Navarro-Carrillo, Caicedo-Moreno, Gracia-Leiva, Bouchat, Cordero, Méndez and Paez.

A number of villages in the Northwest of Argentina are adopting the status of 'indigenous community'. Being recognised as such afford access to a range of legal instruments that permit communities to reclaim their territories which, despite having been occupied for generations, were taken by large landowners during periods of conflict. Activists are at the forefront of these movements and participate actively in the process of the ethnicisation of social claims common across the region. Nevertheless, the identification of rural Andeans as 'Indians' is not simple when Indians have a long history of being rendered invisible and denigrated. The manner in which these activists, whom we describe as 'cultural smugglers' have managed to reverse the stigma of being Indian and revindicate it with pride, requires closer study. They participate in a struggle against dominant local discourses in order to establish, if on a modest level, a certain level of social justice. We will explore the ways in which their discourses, which have achieved a certain amount of success in the media, are interpreted and lived by the villagers who are not altogether disposed to recognising themselves as descendants of a barbarian and pagan people. We will shed light on different representations of the Indian that coexist - and sometimes clash - in contemporary Argentine society and how these complicate the emancipation movement initiated by indigenous organisations. Adapted from the source document.

Beyond Civil Society challenges current understandings of the politics of protest, activism, and participation by examining the ways in which social movements in late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century Latin America blur the boundaries between civil and uncivil activism and between activism carried out in state and the streets.

Since its launch in 2011, the Occupy Wall Street movement has been linked with anarchist theory and practice by several scholars such as David Graeber, NathanSchneider, and MarkBray. However, Occupy was not an isolated case in the history of social movements. It emerged at a paroxysmal point as anti-neoliberal and pro-democracy manifestations – both local and global – have already been flourishing throughout the end of the 20th century. In a few years, demonstrations, uprisings, and social protests spread all around the world in the global North and the global South. It went from the Arab Spring in 2011 to the Greek protests, the Indignants, the OWS and the Gezi Park movement in 2013. This article aims to study the presence of anarchist ideas and practices in these early 2010s movements. To do so, we rely on existing studies dealing with the political and economic aspects of these movements. We argue that if anarchism is linked with the 2010s movements, it is through its political and economic values and practices. As a matter of fact, the period that preceded – from the mid-1990s until 2010 – already witnessed the development of anti-neoliberal, alter-globalization and pro-democracy movements. Thus the central point of contestation which characterizes these movements – which can be referred to as 3rd wave movements – are indeed political and economic. The empirical studies that were analysed in this article may not all point out a link between these movements and anarchism but show, at least, the practice of political and economic alternatives than can be defined as anarchistic – close to the anarchist ideas without clearly mentioning it. The anarchist ideas and practices observed in the 2010s movements thus show a link with the re-emergence of anarchism, under the form of post-anarchism, since the mid-1990s. Its development is closely related to the rise of the alter-globalization movement. Under its new form anarchism tends to distance itself from its violent past in the 19th century. Even though it is not referred to as "anarchism" in mainstream media, it still exists through new movements such as alter-globalization and direct democracy experiments. ; Le mouvement OccupyWall Street, depuis ses débuts en 2011, a été relié à la théorie et à la pratique anarchiste par différents universitaires tels que DavidGraeber, NathanSchneider et MarkBray. Cependant, Occupy n'est pas un cas isolé dans l'histoire des mouvements sociaux. Le mouvement s'est développé à un moment où les manifestations des courants anti-néolibéral et pro-démocratie — à la fois locales et mondiales —, qui étaient apparues à la fin du XXesiècle, ont atteint un point culminant. En quelques années, des manifestations, des révoltes et des protestations sociales se sont répandues à travers le monde, au Nord comme au Sud. Cela va des printemps arabes en 2011 au mouvement de Gezi Park en 2013, en passant par les protestations en Grèce, le mouvement des Indignés et OccupyWall Street. Cet article s'intéresse à la présence d'idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein de ces mouvements, apparus au début des années2010. Il s'appuie sur des études qui portent sur les aspects politico-économiques de ces mouvements. On pose comme hypothèse que si l'anarchisme est lié aux mouvements des années2010 c'est au travers de ses valeurs et de ses pratiques politiques et économiques. En effet, la période qui précède les mouvements des années2010 – –qui s'étale du milieu des années1990 jusqu'en 2010 – a vu le développement des mouvements anti-néolibéral, altermondialiste et pro-démocratie. Ainsi, le point de contestation central qui caractérise ces mouvements – que l'on qualifiera de mouvements de la 3evague – est donc bien politico-économique. Les études empiriques utilisées comme base de travail pour cet article ne montrent pas toutes de façon explicite le lien qui existe entre ces mouvements et l'anarchisme, mais elles révèlent cependant l'usage de pratiques politiques et économiques alternatives qui peuvent être considérées comme anarchisantes – proches des idées anarchistes sans le mentionner clairement. La présence d'idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein des mouvements des années2010 montre ainsi un lien avec la réémergence de l'anarchisme, sous la forme du post-anarchisme, depuis le milieu des années1990 et dont le développement est étroitement lié au mouvement altermondialiste. Sous cette nouvelle forme, l'anarchisme a tendance à s'éloigner de son passé violent du XIXesiècle. Ainsi, même si l'anarchisme n'est pas mentionné comme tel dans la presse grand public, il existe au travers de nouveaux mouvements tels que l'alter-mondialisme et les expériences de démocratie directe.

The introduction of this special issue elaborates a research perspective on the meaning and function of political protest in the context of democratic orders. Starting from the consideration that protest and democratic orders form a close interrelationship, we ask how and to what extent democracy is imagined, negotiated, and problematized within protest, and how democratic orders and politics shape the formation of protest. To this end, we argue for a combination of Democratic Theory and Social Movement Studies. Interweaving these two traditions allows for empirically saturated and theoretically sound interpretations of recent episodes of contention. With this research perspective, we not only gain a deeper understanding of protest dynamics, but also of contemporary social and political transformations within modern democratic societies.

[Cover ] -- [Informationen zum Buch oder Autor ] -- [Titel ] -- [Impressum ] -- Inhalt -- Juri Andruchowytsch Sieben raue Februartage oder Die Rolle des Kontrabasses in der Revolution -- 1. Vorgeschichte -- 2. Die Geschichte beginnt -- 3. Franyk -- 4. Ternopil -- 5. Die Straße nach Kiew -- 6. Kiew -- Zwischenspiel (»Albert«) -- 7. Kiew (Fortsetzung) -- 8. Saporishja -- 9.Odessa -- Kateryna Mishchenko Ein schwarzer Kreis -- Katja Petrowskaja Mein Kiew -- Yevgenia Belorusets Niederlage, Nacht und ewige Verwegenheit -- Niederlage -- Nacht -- Ewige Verwegenheit -- Serhij Zhadan Vier Monate Winter -- Tanja Maljartschuk Mehr als einer -- Jurko Prochasko Kleine Europäische Revolution -- Timothy Snyder Die Ukraine hinter dem Schleier der Propaganda -- Alissa Ganijewa Wir Nationalverräter -- Mykola Rjabtschuk Dreizehn schlimmere Orte auf der Welt -- 1 -- 2 -- 3 -- 4 -- 5 -- Anton Shekhovtsov Der Rechte Sektor Zwischen Polittechnologie, Politik und Straßenkampf -- Martin Pollack Abducken und Kopfeinziehen Über die Macht der Lügen -- Wilfried Jilge Was treibt Russland& -- hairsp -- ? Zum Hintergrund der Ukraine-Krise -- Andrzej Stasiuk Ein Staat »unterwegs« -- Yevgenia Belorusets Der unsichtbare Maidan Zu den Fotos -- Nachbemerkung -- Kurzbiographien.

Differences in the strategies and actions of transnational movements are often conceived of in terms of the resources and political opportunity structures within each national context. This article claims that the diverging trajectories of activists in these spaces can also play a crucial role, and to this end analyses the partly divergent political socializations and trajectories of the leaders of the Alevist movement in both Turkey and Germany. The competences they brought to Alevist activism were various in form, something which can be related to the divergent developments of the movement. By taking into account the activists' trajectories - which are related to the political offers' available within a given context as well as being dependent on the resources of those involved - it is possible to enrich the interpretation in terms of political opportunities. It also makes it possible to sociologize the influence contexts have on movements, and more broadly to integrate the sociology internal to organizations, a dimension which is often overlooked in studies of transnational movements. Adapted from the source document.

In 1994, after a year of intense activism by indigenous women & their urban supporters, indigenous women in the New Territories of Hong Kong were legally allowed to inherit land for the first time. In pushing for legislative change, the female inheritance movement adopted key ideas-gender equality, human rights & a critique of patriarchy-from a global vocabulary of feminism & human rights. This article examines this rights frame to understand how, if at all, activists modified international conceptions of discrimination & rights to fit Hong Kong. Overall, the ideology was not fundamentally altered or adapted, but indigenized by local activists through the use of local symbols. More deep-rooted change was not necessary for two reasons: First, in the pre-handover moment, rights arguments derived political currency from their association with an international community. Also, critical movement participants, here termed translators, helped encompass the indigenous women's individual kinship grievances within a broader movement based on rights. References. Adapted from the source document.

This piece offers preliminary reflections on the theoretical justification of a highly organised protest staged against the non-profit organisation contracted by the Hong Kong Government to provide asylum seekers with humanitarian assistance. In so doing, it reveals the central role played by asylum seekers reacting to border policies and practices that cause their immiseration.

The vertical restructuring of the US pork industry from the 1980s on & opposition to it by farming & environmental groups are examined. In the wake of Smithfield Foods' purchase of the Polish pork conglomerate Animex, the Animal Welfare Institute (AMI) arranged for Polish farm groups, government officials, & humane activists to tour Smithfield's contentious US operations. The tour resulted in Smithfield's withdrawal from their industrial-style hog production in Poland due to opposition from Samoobrona, a militant Polish farm workers' organization. The AWI-Samoobrona coalition promoted humane livestock practices in Poland & Samoobrona went on to gain seats in the Polish parliament in 2001. The AWI-Samoobrona coalition was successful because both groups were based on strong national movements, had ideological affinity, were well-situated in a climate of political opportunity, & had effective leadership. References. M. Pflum