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The Cerattepe mining project for the extraction of gold and copper in the city of Artvin has been controversial since the mid-1980s. Local resistance against the project peaked in 2015-2016 in the form of blockages, sit-ins, social media protests, litigations, and signed petitions. This paper analyzes protests against the Cerattepe mining project in terms of their motivations, strategies, limitations, and political perceptions. Through an original survey analysis (N=253) and interview data, we find that the locals frame their activism as above party politics to keep a legitimate position in resisting the mining project. This strategy has remained intact for several years despite the politicization attempts of resistance from national-level political parties. We explain this strategy with the national consensus on prioritizing economic growth over environmental issues, neoliberal developmentalism with strong state support for private companies, and high levels of political polarization in society. Overall, the study offers an understanding of the challenges in front of environmental issue-based activism in Turkey and reveals the strategies of locals in resisting an environmentally destructive mining project.

لا يمكن فصل ما جرى في العام 2011 من مظاهرات وما بعده فالأسباب التي خرج لأجلها المتظاهرين، كان من اسبابها فشل الحكومات المتعاقبة بعد الاحتلال من توفير الأمن والخدمات، لانتشار الفساد المالي والاداري، وهي تهمة تكاد تكون سمة وصفه تسندها الأدلة والوثائق من ذات الاطراف المشاركة بالعملية السياسية، واذا كان هذا السبب أحد الاسباب التي أدت لانتفاضة 25 فبراير/ شباط 2011 وما تلاها وصولا لمظاهرات العام 2013، وأسبابه تمثل اهمية كبرى لطيف واسع من العراقيين، كتقييد الحريات وكثرة عمليات الاعتقالات والاخفاء القسري للمواطنين، لتكتمل هذه الصورة المشوشة مع صورة اخرى حصلت بعد العام 2014، فزادت المعاناة والتحديات، فزادت من اعداد المغيبين، فيما اصبح طيف واسع يسكنون اما في مخيمات لللاجئين او في مناطق تنعدم فيها الخدمات لا تصلح للسكن على وفق ابسط المعايير الانسانية.
وإذا كانت هذه الصورة تمثل جزء من العراق، فان الجزء الاخر منه لا يعيش بحال أفضل منه بفقدانهم للخدمات، ويعيش الشباب في حالة من الضياع نتيجة قلة فرص العمل وانتشار المخدرات، فبرزت مظاهرات مناطقية سنوية يوحدها الاسباب التي خرجوا لأجلها، فضلا عن مظاهرات متعددة من العاطلين عن العمل، وكذلك ساعدت تلك الاسباب في انتشار عصابات الجريمة المنظمة، نتيجة انفلات وانتشار السلاح، والذي يتسبب بالكثير من الصدامات بين العشائر العراقية، والنتيجة مظاهرات أكتوبر/ تشرين الأول 2019. ومع ما حققته تلك الاحتجاجات من نتائج بتغير الحكومة واجراء انتخابات مبكرة على وفق قانون جديد قسم المحافظات الى مناطق انتخابية بدل عن المحافظة منطقة انتخابية واحدة، مع هذا خرجت هنا وهناك العشرات وربما المئات من المظاهرات والاحتجاجات الفئوية.
هذه الاسباب وغيرها كانت وما تزال تشكل تحديات أمام أي حكومة، لاسيما حكومة مبنية على التوافق والاصطفاف الطائفي، وقد فشلت كالعادة على تشكيل حكومة جديدة رغم مرور ما يزيد عن تسعة أشهر من اجراء الانتخابات المبكرة في أكتوبر/ تشرين الأول 2021، وهو ما تنطلق منه فرضية البحث.

This study investigates the EU's stance on post-Gezi civic engagement, which is based on alternative alliances and against the anti-democratic extremes of state power. Using a Gramscian perspective, the paper underlines the fact that before the protests, Turkey's civil society had been politically socialized by the help of EU financial assistance as a sign of an ideology of consent. That is, the EU has focused on liberal-democratic cooperation with civic organic intellectuals, based on the conviction that civil society is the engine for social and political transformation. However, even though civil society organizations have strengthened their catalysing role and become a new counter-hegemonic political space since the Gezi protests, it is argued that Turkey's normative distance from the EU and the pragmatic links between the EU and Turkey over refugees have led the EU to reduce its financial relationships with Turkey's rights-based civil society.

According to the data of the Presidency of Migration Management (2021), the largest group of irregular migrants detected in Türkiye in 2021 were Afghans. The arrival of irregular migrants from Afghanistan to Türkiye alongside the Syrian refugees have caused a negatively charged reaction in Turkish society and from the main parties in the opposition. Based on this apparent reaction against the arrival of Afghan
refugees, the claim can be made that Afghans are now the new "other" category in Türkiye. We identify two hashtags used on Twitter to protest the arrival of Afghans, which are #sınırnamustur (border is honor) and #hudutnamustur (frontier is honor) having the same meaning in Turkish and are Trend Topics on Twitter. The purpose of this study is to examine the reason why there are two hashtags on Twitter to protest the arrival of Afghan immigrants, what the differences and similarities are between
the two in terms of how Afghans are defined and what kinds of hate speech they are subjected to. For this purpose, we applied Craswell's mixed model in this study using both content analysis and social network analysis techniques. The investigation results reveal that the hashtag #sınırnamustur is a manifestation of a political endeavor, asserting that Afghan refugees are associated with a 'security challenge'. In contrast, the hashtag #hudutnamustur represents a response from the general populace, embodying elements of cultural superiority.

This paper is concerned with the Turkish view of the First World War as reflected through Mehmet Akif Ersoy's 'Çanakkale Şehitleri' (To the Martyrs of Dardanelles) in comparison to the English war poets and argues that the Turkish attitude to the First World War is very different from that of the English war poets in terms of patriotism and sacrifice for one's country. The most important feature of the English war poets who wrote during the First World War is that all of them, except Rupert Brooke, who died of malaria, participated in the war personally and reflected their personal war experiences and perspectives in their poems. The Ottoman Empire, which participated in the First World War as an ally of Germany, fought with the British in Çanakkale. There are many poems written by professional poets about the Dardanelles wars, in which the Turks won a decisive victory, but there is no known soldier-poet in Turkish poetry who participated in this war. Considering the poems written on the battles of Çanakkale, the first ones that come to mind are ""To the Martyrs of Dardanelles", and Mehmet Akif Ersoy. The epic poem "To the Martyrs of Dardanelles", written by Mehmet Akif for the heroic martyrs who sacrificed themselves for the salvation of their country, is the poem that best reflects the Turks' perspective on this war. This article focuses on the difference between the Turkish side's view of the war, which is reflected in Mehmet Akif Ersoy's poem "To the Martyrs of Dardanelles", from the British war poets in terms of patriotism and self-sacrifice ideas for the homeland. The perspective reflected by the English war poets was initially treated as a romantic ideal adorned with the propaganda of democracy, freedom and protection of Western civilization. However, after it was understood that the war had nothing to do with national security for England, it was just an environment of hell where millions of young politicians died in vain for the power struggle, it gave way to protest and disappointment. For the Turks, since this war meant the occupation of their lands in case of defeat, they defended their lands at the cost of their lives and did not allow Gallipoli passed by.