于一个国家而言,民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题,也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争,旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 ; 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法,本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时,抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争,官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看,以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽,重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时,越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中,社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 ; 于以上分析,本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段,知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于"话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明,当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进,形成了一个自我强化的循环。 ; 研究意义而言,本研究首先探讨了"话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性,继而指出民众抗争,精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现,只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应,即使是非持续性的,非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展,以及政治话语实践的转变。因此,虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权,但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 ; For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. ; The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. ; Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership's discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party ...
自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...
本論文旨在探討香港青年參與社會運動的動機。近年,香港社會掀起青年積極參與社會運動的浪潮。學民思潮是最顯著的例子,這個由中學生組成的青年政治組織,於2012年發起了反對特區政府設立德育及國民教育科的社會運動。他們認為該科目有意向青年灌輸「洗腦式」的愛國教育,「反國教運動」成功動員近十二萬名市民包圍政府總部,最終驅使當局撤回方案。 ; 本論文與21位學民思潮的核心成員進行深入訪談,探討近年青年積極參與社會運動的原因。本論文旨在剖析曾被視為「政治冷感」的香港青年,在社會抗爭過程中扮演愈趨重要的角色之箇中原因。 ; 借用雲‧斯特克倫博赫和蓋德曼斯 (van Stekelenburg and Klandermans)提出的社會運動參與的雙路徑模式 (dual pathway model to protest),我們採用了社會心理學的理論以分析青年參與社會運動的動機及心路歷程。研究發現,青年抗爭者可歸納為兩大類:(1) 能動者類別,這類青年具政治能動性,採取工具性/ 社會社會鑲嵌的路徑參與社會運動﹔(2) 不滿類別,這類青年欠缺政治能動性,對政治抱懷疑態度,採取不滿路徑參與社會運動。本研究認為,在兩類的青年中,集體身體認同都對其社會運動參與扮演身重要角色,而對推動不滿類別,欠缺政治能動性的青年的影響至關重要。 ; Hong Kong has experienced an unprecedentedly high level of youth activism against government policy changes in recent years. The most prominent example is "Scholarism," a movement that was founded by secondary students that orchestrated a remarkable campaign against the government's proposal to establish the Moral and National Education curriculum in 2012. At one point, Scholarism activists claimed to have mobilized nearly 120,000 citizens in an "occupation" of government headquarters for ten days. They eventually forced the government to withdraw its proposal of what the Scholarists regarded as "brainwashing patriotic education." ; The present study is based on in-depth interviews with 21 core members of Scholarism movement, to examine the apparent "dawn" of youth political activism in Hong Kong. This thesis intends to solve the riddle of how young people in Hong Kong, who had been depicted as "political apathetic," were playing an increasingly significant role in social protest. ; Drawing on van Stekelenburg and Klandermans's dual pathway model of protest, the social psychological explanation is applied to understanding the motivational dynamics behind Scholarism. The main argument is that youth activists in Hong Kong can be categorized into two main clusters, which take two distinctive pathways to protest participation: (1) the efficacy cluster, which is steered by a sense of political efficacy and which follows the social instrumental/embeddedness pathway (in ...