Suchergebnisse

Cilj je rada ustanoviti je li u Europskoj uniji i Republici Hrvatskoj došlo do smanjenja broja građana koji se identificiraju kao građani Europske unije te koji elementi utječu na dinamiku kreiranja europskoga identiteta. Razlog se istraživanja tematike vidi u rastu populističkih narativa u Europskoj uniji koji su npr. vodili izlasku Velike Britanije iz Europske unije. Međutim, za razliku od uobičajenih politoloških analiza koncepta europskoga identiteta u radu se nastoji dati uvid u interdisciplinarni okvir proučavanja. U prvome se dijelu rad donosi pregled teorija kolektivnoga identiteta u psihologiji i antropologiji. Psihološke se teorije identiteta interpretiraju socijalnom i kulturalnom psihologijom. Antropološke se teorije identiteta dijele na ranije i postmoderne antropološke interpretacije. Fokus je rada na interpretiranju kategorije europskog identiteta, proizvoljno odabranim elementima psihologije i antropologije. Metodološki dio rada obuhvaća analizu i interpretaciju statističkih podataka na temelju niza longitudinalnoga istraživanja Eurobarometer Standard. Kod analize podataka pravi se razlika između razine Europske unije i razine Republike Hrvatske. Rezultati provedene analize upućuju na rast hibridnoga oblika identiteta koji se sastoji od nacionalnoga identiteta na prvome mjestu i europskoga identiteta na drugome mjestu. Isto tako, građani Europske unije smatraju da im je identitetski bliža lokalna razina države, grada ili sela. Konačno, elementi koji kreiraju dinamiku razvoja europskoga identiteta nisu isti za sve građane Europske unije te ovise o široj društveno-političkoj situaciji. ; The main goal of this article is to establish whether in the European Union and Croatia there has been a decrease in the number of citizens who identify themselves as citizens of the European Union, and what are the elements that contribute to the dynamics of creation of the European identity. The reason for exploring this particular topic is the growth of populist narratives in the European Union that potentially led to the UK's exit from the European Union. However, unlike the usual political analysis of the concept of European identity, the article tries to provide an interdisciplinary insight. The first part of the article provides an overview of the theories of collective identity in psychology and anthropology. Psychological identity theories are interpreted through social and cultural psychology. Anthropological theories of identity are divided into earlier and postmodern anthropological interpretations. The focus of the article is on interpreting the European identity through arbitrarily selected psychological and anthropological elements. The methodological part of the paper covers the analysis and interpretation of statistics based on the Eurobarometer Standard series of longitudinal surveys. When analyzing data, a distinction is made between, on one hand, the European Union and, on the other hand, the country of Croatia. The results of the analysis indicate the growth of a hybrid form of identity consisting of national identity in the first place and European identity in the second place. Furthermore, citizens of the European Union consider that their local, national or rural, level is closer to their identity. Finally, the elements that govern the dynamics of European identity development are not the same for all EU citizens and depend on the wider socio-political situation.

U radu se razmatraju terenska istraživanja kao složena metoda u metodološkom sustavu turističke geografije, znanstvene discipline društvene geografije. Turizam, koji je geografski fenomen, istražuje se kao složen dinamički sustav u stalnim mijenama i transformacijama. Složenost turizma proistječe iz njegovih prostornih, društveno-ekonomskih, političkih, kulturnih, psiholoških, povijesnih, administrativnih, pravnih, organizacijskih i drugih sastavnica koje se u geografskom prostoru isprepleću, nadopunjavaju i suprotstavljaju preobražavajući kulturni krajolik turističke regije. U radu se izdvajaju temeljna obilježja terenskih istraživanja: složenost, sveobuhvatnost, temeljitost te upotreba triangulacijskih postupaka i metoda. Predlažu se triangulacijske metode i postupci poput metode promatranja, individualnog intervjuiranja i fokus-grupa, anketiranja, terenskog skiciranja i kartiranja, fotografskog snimanja i videosnimanja te sudioničkog promatranja. Nadalje, izdvajaju se i objašnjavaju tri osnovne etape terenskih istraživanja: pripremna, provedbena i završna. Predlaže se vrednovanje studentskih postignuća na preddiplomskome, diplomskom i doktorskom studiju geografije provedbom praktičnih terenskih ispita s ciljem jačanja kompetencija u istraživačkim i aplikativnim radovima i projektima. ; The focus of this work is field research as a complex method of the methodological system of tourism geography, a scientific discipline of human geography. Tourism as a geographical phenomenon is researched here as a complex dynamic system in constant flux and transformation. The complexity of tourism is to be found in its spatial, socio-economical, political, cultural, psychological, historical, administrative, legal, organisational and other components, which are all interconnected in geographical space, and thus compliment and oppose each other, thereby transforming the cultural landscape of a tourist region. This work will single out basic characteristics of fieldwork: complexity, all-inclusiveness, depth and the use of triangular procedures and methods. Triangular methods and procedures such methods of observation as individual interviews and focus groups, questionnaires, landscape mapping, photo and video recording as well participatory observation. Furthermore, special focus will be placed on the three separate stages of field research: the preparatory, executing and concluding phase. Student achievements at the undergraduate, graduate and post graduate level in the study of geography by applying practical field examinations will be suggested here: the aim of this is to increase competence in applied research and other projects.

Uključenost obrazovnih institucija u poduzetništvo, na razini osnovnoškolskog i srednjoškolskog obrazovanja, do sada se nije sistematično proučavala u znanstvenoj literaturi, iako se decentralizacija i autonomija odgojno-obrazovnih ustanova naglašava kao značajan dio obrazovne politike, još od 1980-ih. U ovom se radu iznose rezultati empirijske analize poduzetničke orijentacije škola u Hrvatskoj te Bosni i Hercegovini, kao i njihovih ravnatelja/ica. Djelovanje poduzetničke orijentacije utvrđuje se u odnosu na osobno zadovoljstvo ravnatelja/ica poslom, percipirani doprinos društvu i društvenu ulogu ravnateljskog posla. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su poduzetnička orijentacija škola i ravnatelja/ica u Hrvatskoj i BiH usko povezani. Poduzetni ravnatelji/ce su i zadovoljniji sa svojim poslom te osjećaju višu razinu doprinosa društvu. Međutim, isto se ne odnosi i na njihov percipirani društveni status, što bi se moglo pripisati intrinzičnoj motivaciji, pri čemu takav zaključak treba potvrditi budućim istraživanjima. Rezultati ovog rada pokazuju da se poduzetnička orijentacija škola i ravnatelja/ica može smatrati korisnim deskriptorima individualnog i institucionalnog ponašanja u obrazovnim sustavima u jugoistočnoj Europi. ; The entrepreneurial involvement of educational institutions at the elementary and the secondary educational levels has not been systematically analyzed in the existing body of literature, although the decentralization and autonomy of educational institutions have been emphasized in educational policies since the 1980s. This study provides an empirical analysis of the entrepreneurial orientation, as related to the schools in Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina and their principals. The influence of this orientation is analyzed from the perspectives of principals' personal job satisfaction, perceived contribution to the society and the perception of the social role/influence of principalship. The empirical findings show that the entrepreneurial orientation of schools and their principals in Croatia and B&H are closely inter-related. More enterprising principals are also more satisfied with their jobs, and they feel to be contributing to the society more. However, the same does not apply to their perceived social standing/status, which could be attributed to their intrinsic motivation, but such a conclusion needs to be verified by further research. The results of this study show that the entrepreneurial orientation(s) of schools and school principals should be considered as useful descriptors of individual and institutional behaviour in the educational systems of South-East Europe.

The paper depicts various orientations, methodological approaches & insights into the three dominant types of electoral process research: political/sociological, focusing on the position of the individual within the structure of society; political/psychological, focusing on the party identification & the structure of attitudes; & political/economical, focusing on the rational choice process. By distinguishing between the substantial & the procedural rationality, these approaches are not considered to be rival or mutually exclusive, but complementary, enabling us to understand individual electoral decisions through their interaction. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this paper is to compare the Western European scientific insight into the relation between sport & violence in contemporary societies with the respective Croatian scientific insight. The point of departure for the comparison is the excellent evaluation of the available scientific research of this relation offered in the book of the French sociologists Bodin, Robene & Heas Sport & Violence in Europe. They analyze the sociological, political science, psychological & other research of sport related violence, including those of its aspects that have been insufficiently recognized or neglected; they especially highlight the importance of understanding the violence of extremist sport fans for the understanding of the whole phenomenon. From 1980's onwards the violence of sport fans is equally present in Croatia as in the countries of EU but in the last decade Croatia cannot stand comparison with the EU countries when it comes to the efficiency of the measures undertaken to prevent & bring an end to this type of violence. The authors of this paper claim that the respective research of Croatian sociologists, political scientists & others can stand comparison with those in the Western European countries as to their theoretical insight, applied methodology & the quality of interpretations. This is true, however, only regarding the research of manifest violence, & it does not entirely apply for research of latent violence. Adapted from the source document.

Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

O razlozima iseljavanja iz Hrvatske do sada se najčešće pisalo s aspekta politike useljavanja u pojedine države, a manje politike iseljavanja iz domovine. Ovim se radom stoga žele pokazati razvojne faze iseljeničkoga režima u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji/Hrvatskoj, što će se pratiti preko angažmana mjerodavnih institucija u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu Komisije za iseljenička pitanja. U analizi će poslužiti fondovi Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva vezani uz institucije (uprava i javne službe), pisma iseljenika za emisiju Radio-televizije Zagreb "Našim građanima u svijetu", kao i anketni upitnici radnika na privremenom radu u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Na temelju navedenih izvora želi se dokazati da se vlast u socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj brinula o sudbini iseljenika i povratnika, ali i radnih migranata (gastarbajtera), otvarajući prostor za ono što danas nazivamo javno-privatnim partnerstvom u pružanju usluga migrantima. ; The reasons for emigration from Croatia have thus far been analysed mostly from the aspect of immigration policy, but less often from the aspect of the policies of emigration to individual countries. Therefore, it was not even possible to monitor the continuity of Croatian policy towards the emigration, whose connections with previous periods significantly influenced the phases of emigration and return of the population in the socialist period. Precisely for this reason, the aim of this paper is to present a broader picture of the reaction of socialist Yugoslavia/Croatia to the emigration and the return of the population in the period from 1945 to 1970. This was monitored through the reactions of the government and the administrative apparatus (institutions and legislation), with special reference to the involvement of relevant institutions (administrations and public services) in Croatia, which played a key role in organising activities related to emigration and return. Among them, the Commission for Emigrant Issues stood out the most, having one of the more complex roles related to emigration/return observed through its scope, adopting normative acts, and cooperating with other institutions in Croatia (Croatian Heritage Foundation, Radio-Television Zagreb, Institute for Migration, Section of Social Psychology, University of Zagreb). Of particular interest was the cooperation with the last on the development of an emigrant survey, which was the beginning of sociological, economic, and socio-psychological research on the phenomenon of work outside the homeland (or guest worker experience). Based on the analysis, we prove that the government in socialist Croatia cared about the fate of emigrants and returnees by making room for what we now call public-private partnerships in providing services to emigrants—in other words, that emigration policy played an important role in building a welfare state in Yugoslavia/Croatia. Therefore, the approach to the topic was based on works in the field of social policy, while the analysis was made using the funds of the Croatian State Archives related to institutions (administrations and public services), letters from emigrants for the Radio-Television Zagreb show To Our Citizens in the World, and survey questionnaires for temporary workers in the Federal Republic of Germany.

Različite su interpretacije govora mržnje. No, svaka od njih govor mržnje promišlja u kontekstu odnosa slobode govora i mogućih nesloboda uvjetovanih pravnim reguliranjem i sankcioniranjem. U ovom se radu želi krenuti od razmatranja mržnje same (dohvaćajući filozofijske dimenzije, društvene kontekste i političke doprinose u razvoju govora mržnje) te je na taj način promatrati u njezinim biološkim i kulturnim dimenzijama. Na konkretnim primjerima govora mržnje želi se pokazati isprepletenost biološkog i misaonog, kulturnog i tjelesnog te ideološkog i emotivnog. Analiza primjera govora mržnje, ostrašćenosti pojedinaca uronjenih u takvu vrstu psihološke i misaone nezrelosti, pokazuje važnost filozofijskih iskoraka u oskudnu stvarnost – iskoraka kojima je cilj o fenomenima davati filozofijski stav, ali i temeljne kriterije po kojima bi se orijentacijski mogla odrediti druga znanstvena istraživanja. ; Hate speech is interpreted in various ways. It is always analysed in the context of the relationship between freedom of speech and the possible lack of freedom caused by legal regulation and sanctioning of hate speech. In this paper we want to start from the consideration of hate itself (taking into account philosophical dimensions, social contexts and the contribution of politics to the development of hate speech) and in this way consider it in its biological and cultural dimensions. Using specific examples of hate speech, we aim to show the intertwining of the biological and the intellectual, the cultural and the physical, the ideological and the emotional. The analysis of some cases of hate speech and the passion of individuals involved in this psychological and intellectual immaturity makes clear how important it is for philosophy to lunge into this poor reality – steps taken to give philosophical views on these phenomena, but also basic criteria for possible orientation in other scientific research.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

Every 40 seconds, somewhere in the world someone dies by suicide, with certain groups such as youth and men being most at risk. Research abounds as to the risks and protective factors, but there is still a huge gap in our knowledge as to what leads one person to act on suicidal ideation and another to refrain. Risks factors vary by country, culture, gender and class, and represent a complex and potentially synergistic interplay between biological, psychological, social, environmental and personal factors. These will be discussed in this paper. Many prevention programmes have been established, but no one intervention stands out. At a minimum, country-wide efforts raising awareness of suicide and deliberate self-harm, highlighting risk and protective factors and identifying and treating mental health problems early, particularly in youth, are essential. Targeted methods include public education and media campaigns, providing training for front-line staff in early recognition and, in the case of primary care clinicians, appropriate referrals for treatment of mental illness, generating policies on restricting easy access to lethal means or substances such as alcohol which disinhibit behaviour and reducing the stigma of, and promoting, help-seeking. These efforts should go some way towards slowing what might otherwise become a self-destructive epidemic. We all have a role to play. ; Svakih 40 sekundi negdje na svijetu netko počini samoubojstvo pri čemu su određene skupine, poput mladih i muškaraca pod većim rizikom. Istraživanja ukazuju na brojne kako rizične, tako i zaštitne čimbenike, ali i dalje postoji veliki nedostatak u znanju što neku osobu vodi da djeluje prema svojim suicidalnim idejama, a drugu da se suzdrži od počinjenja suicida. Rizični čimbenici variraju ovisno o državi, kulturi, spolu, klasi i predstavljaju kompleksno, potencijalno sinergističko međudjelovanje bioloških, psiholoških, društvenih, okolišnih i osobnih činitelja o čemu raspravlja ovaj članak. Utemeljeni su mnogi preventivni programi, ali ni jedna intervencija se posebno ne ističe svojom većom učinkovitošću. Potreban minimum treba uključivati: napore na nacionalnoj razini u podizanju svjesnosti o suicidu i namjernom samoozljeđivanju, ukazivanje na rizične i zaštitne čimbenike, rano identificiranje i tretman problema duševnog zdravlja, osobito u mladih. Ciljane metode prevencije uključuju: javnu edukaciju i medijske kampanje, provođenje edukacije i treninga stručnjaka prve linije u ranom prepoznavanju, u slučaju primarne zdravstvene skrbi adekvatno upućivanje na liječenje mentalnih poremećaja, stvaranje politike restriktivnog pristupa smrtonosnim sredstvima ili supstancijama poput alkohola koji dezinhibira ponašanje, reduciranje stigme i promoviranje traženja pomoći. Sve bi ove aktivnosti trebalo smanjiti ono što bi u suprotnom moglo postati epidemija autodestruktivnog ponašanja. Svi mi u ovome imamo svoju ulogu.

Najvažniji izvor zapošljavanja su mala i srednja poduzeća, kojih nažalost više propadne nego uspije, što uzrokuje strah od poduzetništva. Cilj istraživanja bio je ustanoviti stope preživljavanja poduzeća u Republici Hrvatskoj i Europskoj uniji (EU), kako poduzetnici proživljavaju poslovni neuspjeh te kakva bi im stručna pomoć trebala da se što prije oporave i motiviraju za drugu poduzetničku šansu. Provedeno je istraživanje literature i sekundarnih izvora o demografiji poduzeća u EU i Republici Hrvatskoj te mjerama pomoći koje predlaže Europska komisija. Stopa preživljavanja poduzeća pet godina nakon osnivanja u EU je prosječno oko 20%, a u Hrvatskoj oko 18 %. Intervjuirano je šest hrvatskih poduzetnika koji su bar jednom preživjeli poslovni neuspjeh i odlučili pokušati ponovo. Uz nedovoljnu pripremljenost pothvata, neiskustvo i nedovoljna menadžerska znanja, kao uzrok propasti svojih poduzeća naveli su tešku ekonomsku situaciju i odlazak partnera. Preživjeli su koristeći podršku obitelji i dvojni proces žalosti što im je pomoglo umanjiti sekundarne izvore stresa. Kao pouku iz doživljenog neuspjeha navode strpljivost, upornost, ne odustajanje od svojih ciljeva, pronalaženje efikasnih rješenja, pozitivniji način razmišljanja, duhovni rast i novi sustav vrijednosti, što im je davalo motivaciju za drugu poduzetničku šansu. Učinkovita stručna pomoć morala bi se nastavljati na preventivne programe ranog upozorenja i zakonodavstvo koje bi poštenim poduzetnicima omogućilo što brži i bezbolniji stečaj. Stručna pomoć za vrijeme i nakon stečaja trebala bi biti poslovna, pravna i psihološko-duhovna, kao kombinacija informiranja, obrazovanja i osobnog savjetovanja. Morala bi se nadopunjavati podrškom obitelji i kolega poduzetnika koji su već prošli sličnu situaciju. ; The most important sources of employment are small and medium-sized businesses, which, unfortunately, tend to fail, causing fear of entrepreneurship. The aim of the research was to establish the survival rate of companies in Croatia and the EU, as entrepreneurs experience business failure, and to determine the professional assistance that would be required to recover and motivate them for a second entrepreneurial chance. A survey of the literature and secondary sources on enterprises demography in the EU and the Republic of Croatia was carried out, as well as the aid measures proposed by the European Commission. The survival rate of a company five years after its establishment in the EU is, on average, about 20%, and around 18% in Croatia. The six Croatian entrepreneurs that had been interviewed survived business failure at least once and decided to try again. Along with insufficiently prepared research, inexperience and insufficient managerial knowledge, they indicated difficult economic situation and departure of partners as reasons their companies collapsed. They survived with family support and by using the Dual Process Model of Grief, which helped them reduce secondary sources of stress. As the lessons learned from the experience of failure, they mention patience, persistence, not abandoning their goals, finding effective solutions, a more positive way of thinking, spiritual growth, and a new value system, providing them with motivation for a second chance. Effective expert assistance should continue through precautionary early warning programs and legislation, which would allow the bankruptcy to be as quick and as painless as possible for honest entrepreneurs. Expert assistance should be available during and after the bankruptcy. Specifically, business-related, legal, as well as psychological and spiritual assistance, as a combination of information, education and personal counseling. It should complement the support of their families and fellow entrepreneurs who have already been in a similar situation.

This paper describes an attempt of a new methodological approach to the studying of the power structure in organizations. The first part comprises critical remarks directed to the most extensively used method of graphs of control based upon the examined subjects' perception of the existing power structure, (a) A small dispersion of results about some values is not necessarily an indicator of the validity, but perhaps of the generally accepted stereotype, (b) Perception also depends on a series of factors of social position and psychological state of examined subjects. Tending to avoid the disadvantages of the method of graphs of control, and to retain, however, a high degree of standardization, we have tried to create a method which would comprise these qualities. The research work has been carried out in two stages. The first stage consisted of a project based upon the observation with specially prepared forms as persons who contributed in the meetings of workers' councils. Objective data for all the respective persons were collected. In this way a complete picture of activity within the forum with prerogatives of bringing all the key decisions was obtained. However, even if this method offers a very detailed picture of the examined phenomenon, it is not fully satisfactory. As first, it is concentrated upon a fragment (segment) of a continuous process of decision making. Second, this method does not allow the identification of informal groups in organization which might have the key influence upon the decision making. Due to these reasons we have then created an instrument tending to cover the complete process of the decision making (including both formal and informal levels), allowing identification of all the key groups within organization, formal and informal, and being also maximally standardized. The first stage in the obtained scheme refers to the preparation of the decision making which comprises the overall social process before the formal act of the decision making. The second stage refers to the decision making itself. As last, there might appear the control, consisting of the initiative for the control implementation and the implementation itself. It is assumed that in all these various stages of the decision making process it is possible to identify persons actively participating in it. We are, however, primarily concerned with the following — which are the groups whose interests these persons represent. We will also try to analyse goals, strategies and effects of activity. In order to follow directly the overall process through which the decision making passes, we have relied upon the informants, well informed about respective organizations. Therefore this method represents a kind of a »key-men« technique, as we tried to reach persons who had such positions, this primarily through the industrial psychologists already extensively employed in industry and various other organizations. Obviously, there is always a problem of objectivity of such informants. This can be avoided in two ways: by requesting the informants to provide information only and by trying to maximally eliminate their evaluation, and also by the engage meant of several informants from the same organization.

Ova doktorska disertacija bavi se glasovanjem, najočitijim oblikom političke participacije građana u modernom demokratskom poretku. Većina istraživanja biračkog ponašanja usmjerena je na proučavanje uzroka glasovanja te na procese oblikovanja stranačkih preferencija (Šiber, 1998b). Međutim, glasovanju možemo pristupiti kao političkoj odluci, a u tom slučaju se javlja pitanje kako tu odluku evaluirati. Potencijalni kriterij za evaluaciju možemo naći u konceptu točnog glasovanja (Lau i Redlawsk, 1997). Ukoliko građanin glasuje za onu stranku kojoj bi dao glas i kada bi bio suočen sa svim relevantnim političkim informacijama, možemo reći da je on točno glasovao. Koristeći kriterij točnog glasovanja možemo evaluirati građansko odlučivanje, ali i kvalitetu demokracije. Ovaj rad ima dva cilja. Kao prvo, zbog niza konceptualnih i operacionalnih nedostataka, on nudi rekonstrukciju koncepta točnog glasovanja. Kroz detaljno povezivanje spoznaja o biračkom ponašanju i pretpostavki modela predstavničke demokracije, uvodi se nova definicija točnog glasovanja, kao onog koji je dan stranci koja je u najvećoj mjeri bliska glasačevim preferencijama. Uz to, problematizira se korisnost ovog koncepta te njegov utjecaj na empirijska istraživanja građanskih kompetencija i na evaluaciju demokratskog poretka. Drugi cilj ovog rada je empirijski – provjeriti koje individualne i situacijske karakteristike doprinose točnom glasovanju. Očekivalo se kako će točnije glasovati sudionici s boljom političkom ekspertizom (visoka politička sofisticiranost i informiranost, visoka motivacija za politiku, više obrazovanje i niža dob), ali i oni koji donose odluke u jednostavnijem okruženju (niže kognitivno opterećenje i lakša politička pitanja). U tu svrhu provedeno je eksperimentalno istraživanje na 210 sudionika koji su sudjelovali u izmišljenoj političkoj kampanji. Tijekom kampanje su prikupljali podatke o strankama i na kraju su glasovali za jednu od njih. Rezultati su pokazali kako točnije glasuju sudionici s višom razinom političke informiranosti, zatim sudionici koji su koristili kompleksnije strategije odlučivanja i sudionici koji su suočeni s nižom razinom kognitivnog opterećenja. Neočekivano, dobiven je i efekt spola – žene točnije glasuju od muškaraca. U radu su ponuđena objašnjenja za nepotvrđene hipoteze i neočekivane rezultate, kao i potencijalna primjena dobivenih rezultata u javnom životu. ; Elections are the main characteristic of modern democracies; as of September 2016., 82 national elections took place this year and almost 650 million people voted. Adult citizens experience elections and participate in voting roughly once every four years. Ever since the empirical research in political science focused on voting behaviour the main focus of inquiry was the understanding of antecedents of vote choice as well as the long-term shaping of political preferences (Šiber, 1998). The vote itself can be conceptualized in many ways, such as a statement of group membership (e.g. Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee, 1954), identification with the party (Campbell et al., 1964), as a choice between parties etc. If we approach the vote from a decision-making perspective, a question comes to mind – can we say what is the quality of that choice? In other words, can we evaluate the process and the outcome of the voting decision? This are rather hard questions which is not adequately addressed by researchers, both theoretically and empirically. In order to answer them, Lau and Redlawsk (1997) put forward the concept of correct voting – a vote that is the same as the one that would be given if a voter had all the relevant information. This doctoral thesis is concerned with that concept. It had two broad goals. First, a critique of the concept was put forward, as well as a conceptual reconstruction of correct voting. The new approach to the concept is more clear and better connected to both citizens' competences and democratic theory. The second goal was to study empirically the antecedents of correct voting. For this goal a laboratory experiment was conducted in which participants (N=210) participated in a mock electoral campaign at the end of which they had to vote. Participants differed in various socio-demographic and political characteristics and within the experiment cognitive load and type of political questions in the campaign were manipulated. Results showed that those participants that had better political knowledge, were exposed to lower cognitive load and used complex strategies of decision. Also, an unexpected result was found – women voted more correctly than men. In order to think about the criteria for evaluating the process of voting, one must first understand the relationship between voters and election within democracy. This requires that one chooses a model of democracy. There is an array of these models, and each one focuses on different aspects of the political regime. For the concept of correct voting the most adequate model is that of representative democracy. In this model, democracy is though about as a political system in which the citizens are sovereign, and a smaller group of representatives execute citizens' will. Representatives are chosen via regular competitive elections, and citizens should choose hose representatives that represent their interest in the best way. Other than choosing a model of democracy, we must choose a theoretical approach for political behaviour. We can identify five approaches (those based on personality, sociological model, socio-psychological model, economic-rational model and cognitive model), and within this research a cognitive approach is taken for studying political behaviour and decision-making. This model focuses on cognitive processes, such as evaluation of political candidates, mental strategies, biases, memory etc. The main idea of the cognitive approach is that all thinking is constrained by both biological aspects of the brain as well as the situational pressures (such as the amount of information). As a consequence, citizens will be prone to using mental shortcuts to simplify the political environment. Lau and Redlawsk's (1997) concept of correct voting could be used as a norm of political decision-making. It focuses on cognitive processes and offers an ideal outcome of political thinking which at the same time has implications for the functioning of representative democracy. If citizens choose their representatives correctly than democracy should function better than if that is not the case. However, there are several issues with this concept - there are two distinct conceptualizations and operationalisations of correct voting; authors focus more on the level of information than on the cognitive processes; their norm has within itself several descriptive aspects etc. This thesis puts forward a definition of correct voting – a correct vote is the one which is given to a representative whose political preferences are in the highest concordance with the voter's. Keeping the cognitive approach in mind, several individual and situational characteristics are identified as having a probable impact on the probability for voting correctly. It is expected that citizens who are more politically sophisticated, informed and motivated, as well as those who are better educated and younger should vote more correctly. Considering situational characteristics, higher cognitive load should lower the probability of voting correctly. Also the content, or type of political information, should have an impact on that probability. Political issues can be divided into easy/symbolic/moral and hard/instrumental/public policy. As the percentage of easy issues within a campaign increases so should the probability of casting a correct vote. In order to test these hypotheses an experiment was conducted in which participants participated in a mock election. They collected information about four parties and in the end voted for one of these. Last part of the thesis offers a discussion about the results, their political implications as well as guidelines for future research.

U ovom radu, u razmatranju povijesnog razvoja stanovništva u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama u razdoblju nakon sredine 1960-ih godina, težište je izlaganja na temi "druga demografska tranzicija." Analizirat ćemo demografska i socio-demografska obilježja toga razdoblja, sličnosti i razlike s etapom prethodne demografske tranzicije te podudarnost "druge demografske tranzicije" s posttranzicijskom etapom u razvoju stanovništva. Nastojat ćemo odgovoriti na temeljno pitanje koje se u tim razmatranjima postavlja: može li se na osnovi empirijske i znanstvene analize "druga demografska tranzicija" smatrati "posebnom, novom etapom u razvoju stanovništva" ili je ona samo drugo ime za posttranzicijsku etapu kao etapu nakon prethodne ("prve") demografske tranzicije. U novim razvojnim uvjetima i uz nove ekonomskosocijalne, tehničko-tehnološke, vrijednosne, kulturološke i socio-psihološke čimbenike, "druga demografska tranzicija" predstavlja kontinuitet u odnosu na ustanovljen trend smanjivanja nataliteta/fertiliteta u prethodnoj demografskoj tranzicij i, koji je u novim uvjetima života i rada te djelovanju novih, napose vrijednosnih čimbenika relevantnih za postindustrijsko i postmodernizacijsko društvo, usmjeren na postignuće generacijski ispodzamjenskog nataliteta/fertiliteta. ; The second demographic transition came about in European demographic literature as a topic in 1986. The authors thereof were Dutch demographers Dirk van de Kaa and Ron Lesthaeghe. Starting from the demographic-historical conceptualisation of the theory of demographic transition, it may be concluded that following the fi rst demographic transition, the stage the authors call the second demographic transition occured in the development of the population. This is however only another name for the post-transitional stage, whereby this term includes the continuity of demographic trends, while the term the second demographic transition explains the discontinuity between the periods of the fi rst and the second demographic transition. Van de Kaa (1987) emphasises that due to the impact of essential specifi c factors, essential diff erences emerged between these two transitions. During the second demographic transition, they were caused by secularisation and individualisation processes, and new factors linked with them (new value orientation; socio-psychological and other factors). They caused a decline of marriages; an increase in the number of cohabitations and other forms of life partnerships; an increase in the number of children born out of wedlock; an increase in the number of divorces; etc., which have become acceptable in the perception of the young generation. On the contrary, having children and the number of children have become a matt er of partners' free choice, as their primary goal is to achieve self-fulfi lment at personal level. It has all exercised an impact on a further fertility reduction, which started in the middle phase, and became intensifi ed in the late phase of the fi rst transition. Essential diff erences between the fi rst and the second transition, which the authors mention in the paper, have however arisen from the understandable fact that each period bear their own specifi c historical context and specifi c features of social diff erentiation. The authors point out that essential diff erences between the two transitions have further arisen from the main postulates they are based upon. The fi nal stage of the fi rst transition was based on balance (zero level) between low birth and death rates, and on stationary population. In the second demographic transition, birth and fertility rates tended to be reduced to the sub-replacement level, or, according to Lesthaeghe, to the sustainable sub-replacement fertility level, which, along with life prolongation, intensifi ed population aging, which demanded the so-called replacement migration as a compensation for the decrease in workforce. Starting from the thesis that the second demographic transition was a new stage in European demographic history, separated from the fi rst transition, the authors emphasised that there was no continuity in fertility reduction between the two transitions, as in the second transition, this trend was oriented towards the permanent and sustainable sub-replacement fertility level. However, many other demographers, such as R. Cliquet and D. Coleman, hold that between the two transitions, there was a continuity in demographic trends, in particular fertility reduction, which leaned on the low fertility level already achieved in the fi nal stage of the fi rst demographic transition. Our research has led to the identical conclusion, as it commenced from the fact that fertility reduction started in the middle phase of the fi rst transition and became intensifi ed in the late phase thereof; hence, fertility reduction in the second demographic transition continued to the balance of low levels of these rates, already achieved in the fi rst transition. The turn that occurred in the fi rst decade of the 21st century indicated to the possibility of the emergence of new factors in new social circumstances, which might infl uence the growth of birth/fertility rates. According to the available data, the total fertility rate in most of Western European countries grew and approximated the replacement level, yet did not exceed it. A longer period of studying this complex phenomenon is hence rate decrease to the sub-replacement level was irreversible and permanently sustainable in highly-developed countries.