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The responsiveness of government policies to citizens' preferences is a central concern of various normative and empirical theories of democracy. Examining public opinion and policy data for the United States from 1935 to 1979, we find considerable congruence between changes in preferences and in policies, especially for large, stable opinion changes on salient issues. We present evidence that pubic opinion is often a proximate cause of policy, affecting policy more than policy influences opinion. One should be cautious, however, about concluding that democratic responsiveness pervades American politics.

The literature on state capacity is often at odds with what constitutes state capacity, how to operationalize it, and how to measure it. Nevertheless, it is important for us to attempt this endeavor given the importance of state capacity, and its effect on a number of political and social dynamics. With the proliferation of quality surveys in the Arab world in recent years, we also have an unprecedented opportunity to examine state capacity in a new light, according to citizen perceptions in addition to material measures. Thus, in this paper I will examine variations of state capacity measurements using the Arab Opinion Index data. I will provide evidence to show that many political phenomena can only be understood if the conditions surrounding state capacity are accounted for.

Politics is a trial in which those in government - and those who aspire to be - make proposals, debate alternatives, and pass laws. Then the jury of public opinion decides. It likes the proposals or actions or it does not. It trusts the actors or it doesn't. It moves, always at the margin, and then those who benefit from the movement are declared winners. This book is about that public opinion response. Its most basic premise is that although pubic opinion rarely matters in a democracy, public opinion change is the exception. Public opinion rarely matters, because the public rarely cares enough to act on its concerns or preferences. Change happens only when the threshold of normal public inattention is crossed. When public opinion changes, governments rise or fall, elections are won or lost, old realities give way to new demands

Examines the changing relationship between public opinion & the foreign & defense policy-making process followed by US presidents. Recent research reveals that important changes in American politics have occurred in the post-Cold War era. As polling & public opinion analysis from the White House has become institutionalized, presidents have responded to or worked with public opinion to a higher degree. Although this would point to more responsiveness to public opinion, the winding down of the Cold War & changes in press coverage of foreign affairs have allowed presidents to both manipulate & lead public opinion. A study of policy making during the Ronald Reagan administration found that public opinion had little affect on foreign policy decisions, but knowledge of pubic opinion did protect Reagan from conducting major public campaigns that would emphasize his distance from public views. More research is required to understand the interactions between public opinion & policy making & the resulting implications for democracy. 3 Tables, 1 Figure. L. A. Hoffman

En la actualidad, mundialización se ha consolidado como una expresión que intenta aprehender las formas y los procesos de desarrollo de las sociedades modernas. La Cumbre del Milenio de Seattle, de la Organización Mundial del Comercio, y la 55 Asamblea del Banco Mundial y el Fondo Monetario Internacional de Praga han sido dos de los momentos en los que los medios de comunicación de masas han dado visibilidad a la mundialización. Los medios han presentado un escenario plural en el que conviven viejos actores transnacionales, como el Banco Mundial, el Fondo Monetario Internacional o la Organización Mundial del Comercio, junto a nuevos actores emergentes en la arena internacional, como las ONG organizadas también internacionalmente. Como trasfondo de este escenario, el debate ideológico en torno a la mundialización ha polarizado las posiciones a derecha e izquierda, pero, en ambos casos, sus discursos remiten a un hipotético destinatario que recibe los nombres de opinión pública mundial, esfera pública mundial o sociedad civil mundial, según los casos. El objeto de esta aportación es la reflexión en torno a la construcción de la opinión pública mundial como el destinatario ideal que legitima los discursos y las acciones de las organizaciones internacionales. ; Nowadays, the term «globalization» has come to refer to the forms and processes of development of modern societies. The World Trade Organization's Millenium Summit in Seattle and the 55th Assembly of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in Prague are two of the occasions on which globalization has figured large in the mass media. The media have brought together on a plural stage the older transnational players such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization, as well as the new and upcoming players in the international arena, such as NGOs, which also have an international organization. As a backdrop to this stage, the ideological debate on globalization has polarized positions on the left and the right, although in both cases their discourse is addressed to a hypothetical audience which variously goes by the name of global public opinion, global public sphere or global civil society, as the case may be.The aim of the present contribution is to offer a reflection on the construction of global public opinion as the ideal audience legitimating the discourse and actions of international organizations.

Gay and Lesbian Communities the World Over provides an innovative examination and comparison of the treatment and status of gays and lesbians in 21 countries. The book contains a country-by-country profile of each of the issues, describes treatment and status, reports on the pubic opinion data, and compares countries against each other

What is the effect of religiosity on public opinion? Islamist religiosity in particular has been linked to a variety of outcomes, including authoritarianism and violence. Nevertheless, many scholars have countered that there is in fact no relationship between religiosity in the Arab world and adverse political outcomes. Thus the debate remains unresolved to some degree. To adjudicate this debate, we use the Arab Opinion Index's 2016 data to examine the effect of individual religiosity on public opinion and political behavior. We find that there is no link between increased religiosity and negative views of democracy; in fact, the opposite is the case. There is also no link between religiosity and political participation. Finally, there is a positive correlation between religiosity and political tolerance.

The frequency of government foreign aid decisions influenced by pubic opinion has risen dramatically in the past few years.This study looks at the effect of issue framing on support for U.S. spending on HIV/AIDS in developing countries—specifically, at how support changes when the phrase foreign aid is included or omitted from a survey question. Analyses reveal a significant effect of issue framing for women and Democrats. Omitting the phrase foreign aid is associated with increased support for U.S. spending among Democrats and decreased support among women. Regardless of issue framing, blacks, Hispanics, and more educated individuals support U.S. spending on HIV/AIDS in developing countries. However, when forced to decide between funds' going overseas for HIV/AIDS in developing countries or remaining in the United States, all respondents overwhelmingly support monies' being used in the United States.

The frequency of government foreign aid decisions influenced by pubic opinion has risen dramatically in the past few years. This study looks at the effect of issue framing on support for U.S. spending on HIV/AIDS in developing countries-specifically, at how support changes when the phrase foreign aid is included or omitted from a survey question. Analyses reveal a significant effect of issue framing for women and Democrats. Omitting the phrase foreign aid is associated with increased support for U.S. spending among Democrats and decreased support among women. Regardless of issue framing, blacks, Hispanics, and more educated individuals support U.S. spending on HIV/AIDS in developing countries. However, when forced to decide between funds' going overseas for HIV/AIDS in developing countries or remaining in the United States, all respondents overwhelmingly support monies' being used in the United States. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2007 by the President and the Fellows of Harvard College.]

Public sphere is not an open space without power, but intersection of various actors with their interest. Therefore, by taking study on meronda activity in gardu, this article discusses how power works in public sphere. Gramsci notion on hegemony is used to analyze existing power relation. As closing session, this article claims that efforts to affecting public opinion through culture domination becomes the basis of hegemonic actor victory in influencing power in gardu as pubic sphere.

"This important text integrates the study of ethics into public management training, highlighting Supreme Court opinions on three specific constitutional values-equality, freedom, and property-focusing on the pedagogical aspects of law and posing challenging questions to help readers apply theories to concrete situations. It includes a case index for further research. Topics of specific interest include abortion, affirmative action, bureaucratic bashing, civil disobedience, the Ethics in Government Act of 1978, the Iran-Contra scandal, moral absolutism, privileged communications, religious fundamentalism, and whistle blowing. The Midwest Review of Pubic Administration lauds it as "…a unique teaching tool.""--Provided by publisher.

The objective of this article is to show how political advertisement as published by public relation activities has a deep effect on the change of farmers' welfare image. The study was carried out to see how far the message contained in political advertisement been in contradictive with farmers' public opinion. The contradiction normally appeared due to the ways the message was packaged. Normally the message was felt to be very plain as they were built by government and political interest, and bureaucratic flavors. Meanwhile public opinion was normally built in the fortitude of criticizing the government. Public opinion was also influenced by social status, gender, as well as social and political economic context as normally faced by their day to day life. Theoretical implication of this study is, that political advertisement concept needs to integrate participatory development communication. Some practical implication of the study showed that public relation activity needs to integrate development communication concept as well as good governance principles as they became most important Indonesian Government political jargons. Methodologically, this research has an important implication on how to measure government pubic relation effectiveness under good governance framework.