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This article discusses election governance based on public participation with qualitative research methods, the approach used in case studies in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province, the region is one of thirty-four province in Indonesia. Governance is an approach that is considered relevant, because election governance is its manifestation. The results show that the Regional of General Election Commission of NTB as the authority of election organizers succeeded in building a model of election governance based on public participation through three strategies, namely the movement to protect suffrage, family-based voter education, and voter education based on educational institutions. These three models are designed through three approaches, namely multi-stakeholder partnership, convergence, safety and public health of disaster areas. The methods of implementation include; short videos about elections, consistent use of mass media and continuous election classes. The impact of the public participation-based election governance model in NTB is that the number of public participation in 2019 Elections increased to 82 percent compared to 2014 Election of 77.32 percent where the model has not been implemented. The obstacles faced in building participatory-based election governance are two, namely; the issue of legitimacy provided by the Electoral Law and has not been made the education of voters as core business of General Commission Election, while voter education is an effective instrument in developing public participation. The solution is necessary to change article 3 and article 15 (Presiden Republik Indonesia, 2017) on the elections to include participation as the principle of organizing elections. In addition, voter education should be the core business from the national to the regions.

: Employing a qualitative approach, the present study outlooks the political participation of people in Denpasar, Bali, with regard to the 2020 regional head election in the city during COVID-19 pandemic. Data were garnered through observation and documentation. The findings of this study informed that societies participated in the election with the belief that their interest are accommodated by political parties. Although the election was done during pandemic, the stakeholders carried out strict health protocol of COVID-19 in order to prevent the virus dissemination among societies. Based on the findings, this study suggest that the regional head election has an impact on the relationship between political parties at the regional level and the central level, in which, the central executive board always exercises hegemony towards regional party administrators in providing support recommendations for regional head candidates. KEYWORDS: political participation, Balinese, r

Elections are the backbone of democracy. It is through elections that individuals assert their voice, their perspectives, and choose a person whose philosophies most complement them. Elections allow citizens to choose their representatives. They are also important for the people to express their resentment at the ruling government. When there is high voter participation, the election process is considered successful. Unfortunately, developing countries such as India are facing a decline in the turnout. People in rural areas move to metropolitan cities or other countries, in most developing countries to make their livelihood or schooling. During elections, visiting their hometown and casting their votes becomes burdensome for them because of their commitment to their workplace. Challenges in moving to poll places and sometimes adverse weather conditions, cause people to miss the chance to choose the candidate of their choice. People with disabilities and senior citizens also refuse to go to the polling station due to travel-related difficulty. Therefore, many elections record only 50-70 percent electoral turnout, sometimes, even less than 50%. Only when all eligible voters are granted fair opportunities to exercise their franchise then only such a democratic system is considered fool proof. The need for the hour is such a fool proof framework that enables all eligible voters to cast their vote by visiting Polling Station or doing so remotely. This paper proposes a conceptual framework for the Integrated, Smart, and Secure Remote Public Voting System (SSRPVS) that allows voters from any part of India to exercise their franchise without moving place to place and wasting time and money. To develop the Framework, emerging technologies such as IoT, Cloud Computing, Edge Computing, Blockchain, and Data Analytics are included. The system will guarantee security through four different levels, Smart Voting Card based on RFID, One Time Password, Thumb Recognition, and Retina Recognition. The only theoretical model of the ...

The goal of the election is not only to determine the outcomes but also to lend credence to the winners, even for those voters who did not bother voting for them. This underlines the necessity of holding free, fair, and hidden elections. Component of all this is that elections are controlled by open and accountable, neutral, and autonomous electoral-management bodies. Utilizing technology in voting procedures can make it quicker, more efficient, and less susceptible to security breaches. The technology can ensure the safety of every vote, better and faster and much more accurate counting and automatic tallying. The design of a sophisticated voting system is a complex task as it has to fulfill several essential criteria. The secrecy of an elector's poll is to be well-preserved. The voting system should not give any evidence that proves which candidate receives a particular voter's vote. The process uses minimum paper documents and is therefore environmentally friendly. Bio-metric or retina scans can be used to ensure security. The e-voting system is vulnerable to several serious attacks from external sources. There is indeed a likelihood that anybody who has immediate access to the e-voting system can access it suspiciously. Malevolent software can steal one candidate's votes and assign them to some other. An attacker may deny officials access to the e-voting arrangement or render an e-voting structure unavailable for the Election Day voting process. This is known as a service denial (DoS) attack. But this kind of threat is hard to detect. A large number of questionable and invalid votes are the big problem with traditional paper-ballot based voting system. This phenomenon will be eliminated if the e-voting system is used. In addition to the speed of counting and reduction of errors the e-voting system offers some more advantages such as accessibility, verifiability, and availability. When the e-voting system is integrated with the Internet, any eligible voter can vote from anywhere as there will be two or more ...

This study examined the role of an international Agency (USAID) and Democratic Election; A Prognosis to the role of Security Personnel in Nigerian 2015 Elections. USAID and other international Agencies have relentlessly assisted both the emerging and consolidating democracies such as Nigeria, in conducting free and fair elections via provision of some forms of technical assistance so as to achieve credible elections and ensure improved governance but in spite of all these, events and happenings from developed democracies and across the globe have shown that the vitality of election security to the credibility of elections cannot be ignored because the conduct of free and fair elections to a large extent depend on the security system available in the country. This study anchored on Elite theory propounded by Paredo and Gaetano with descriptive qualitative method of data collection and Content analysis. It discovered that the fact that consistently undermined democratic consolidation in Nigeria is the varying degrees and measures of electoral violence so it therefore recommends that impartial and unbiased security agencies should be recruited for each election in order to prevent the reoccurrence of electoral violence during each election.

Myanmar is currently faced with conflicts mainly considered as crimes against humanity that require resolution sooner or later. The conflict in Myanmar is closely linked to ethnicity, creating a cycle of violence that continues to escalate without any possibility of diminishing. The inability of the state to address ethnic minority grievances or provide adequate security to communities has created a literal arms race among minority groups. More action needs to be taken to finally resolve the situation and crisis unfolding in Myanmar, and that is where countries in Southeast Asia play a very important role for conflict resolution. This research was carried out using qualitative method with descriptive analysis regarding to the situation that occurred in Myanmar, especially regarding the Rohingya crisis and the Myanmar Military Coup which was the focus of the research. The escalation of the humanitarian conflict and the deprivation of democracy by the Myanmar people, requires joint handling in order to avoid further expansion of the conflict. In this case, neighboring countries such as Indonesia have an important role as a driver of mediation in regional forums to resolve conflicts in Myanmar. ASEAN, as a diplomatic platform in the Southeast Asian region, must be put forward and reach a consensus for finally intervening in the Myanmar conflict, which is taking more and more lives. The United Nations with the principle of responsibility to protect can also play a role in overcoming the conflict, considering that the conflict has resulted in crimes against humanity that cannot be tolerated.

India and Pakistan both are South Asian nuclear states, having a historical animosity that mainly stems from unresolved Kashmir issue. Both states realized the importance of peace therefore went for the negotiations after every battle. However, neither war nor negotiation could lead to the permanent solution. This article presents a critical analysis of the talks and negotiations held from 1998 to 2004 in order to restore peace and to resolve conflicts between both neighbors. The official documents i.e. declarations, agreements and recommendations of the CBMs have provided quite solid material for analytical discussion. Though a great desire of resolving all issues peacefully, including the issue of water and Kashmir through dialogue on both sides have been explored from this analysis, however the resilient elements prevail and deteriorate the peace process on both sides. The role of media has also been found negative in making public opinion. If the international law is implemented and the people of Kashmir are given their right of self-determination under the UNO resolutions both countries can live in peace and address their other issues

This article explores the significant role that the state is still expected to play in initiating and implementing the energy transition. In this regard, it is laid out in three parts. Part I focuses on the premise of the role that derives from constitutional law. This role is considered classic, because it is based on different functions of the state, and the legitimate constrain that distinguishes it from other social actors, including non-state actors. Tremendous materials are offered by the analysis either from the perspective of sociology or law studies when it comes to the specific situation of French-speaking African states. The scope of analysis is broadened with the energy law approach. With a focus on African English-speaking countries, the article examines both the way the state is enforcing statutes aiming to design its own transition scheme and exercising its discretionary power through its energy policy. Beyond the functions of the state—deriving from its sovereign power—these elements set out the direction in quest of a specific role the state can play in the energy transition as a process in Part II. As such, the energy transition, if it is to lead to coherent social change, requires strong and dynamic leadership, including clear, nuanced, and forward-looking direction on the broad sections of the overall process, and the environmental justice issues that necessarily cluster around them. For this reason, the role of the state is construed as both a steering role, and an integrative role for environmental, economic and social issues. Part III provides a rationale for the necessary and strong support of international cooperation—to the state—in order to achieve the paradigm shift smoothly. In Part IV, I emphasize the African Union's transition initiatives in the run-up to COP 25, which I hold out as an inducement for states' efforts. In fact, this article seeks to address these issues. Taken together, they could help build a coherent pattern of the role that African states play in the energy ...

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is previously not a homogenous model, nor a school or a paradigm, but at most a shared respective in doing linguistics, semantics, or discourse analysis. The objective of CDA is to perceive language use as social practice. The researchers in this paper have done this at the 58th session of the UN General assembly, New York. The theoretical framework used for the analysis is Fairclough's model, 1992. This research paper has analysed the data qualitatively. This research work has explained and clarified the intellectual and invulnerable strategies, ideologies of President Musharraf, Pakistani president for global, political, economic, social and cultural development not only for his own country but for the entire world, especially developing countries. CDA of G-P-M speech shows that his motto is peace, security and development of human rights, implementation of international law, social justice for everyone and multilateral diplomacy by the support of the war on terror and cooperation with the international community. Pervaiz Musharaf has presented a positive and soft image of Pakistan.

Direct elections for regional heads by the people began after the issuance of Law no. 32 of 2004 concerning Regional Government. After the implementation of direct regional head elections by the people for 12 years, there were pros and cons regarding the implementation of direct regional head elections so that Law No. 22 of 2014 concerning the Regional Head Election in a representative manner by the DPRD which was later canceled through Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 2014 concerning Direct Regional Head Election by the People. The issuance of a Government Regulation in Lieu of a Law is intended so that democracy at the regional or local level can develop where regional people can directly elect their leaders at the regional or local level. This research is a normative legal research where the focus of the study is the norms contained in Perpu No. 1 of 2014 which returns the regional head elections directly elected by the local people. This research approach uses a qualitative juridical approach, namely examining from the legal side in addition to providing explanations regarding the considerations issued by the president's Perpu and the public's response to direct regional head elections. The purpose of this study is to determine the process of regional head elections that are directly elected by the local people so that the development of democracy at the local level can run well. The results obtained from this research are that direct regional head elections by the local people reflect more of a democratic nature than through representation and are in accordance with the wishes of the constitution that sovereignty is in the hands of the people.

Global developments that are full of dynamics are marked by the emergence of interdependence between countries. Global developments are in line with the development of science and technology which causes countries to seem borderless. The blurring of boundaries between countries and the development of an increasingly dynamic environment are also accompanied by the development of increasingly broad and multidimensional threats. This global development is also marked by the emergence of new actors in international relations. The development of threats and increasing global issues that cannot be handled by the state alone have created a new phenomenon in the international relations order, namely global governance. Previously, the state was the sole actor in the order of international relations. However, with global governance, there is a new arrangement in the international relations system that accommodates all actors who play a role. This research will use a qualitative phenomenological method. The theory used in this research are global governance, defense diplomacy and international organization as a basis theory and concept, and also a security theory as supporting theory. In the end, we can see that the change of international order can bring the positive effect for countries in achieving their national goals and accomplish their national interests.

As a state of law as well as a democratic state, Indonesia guarantees and protects the right to freely express opinions and the right to organize in society. This in the end becomes the basis for every member of the community to be free to establish an Ormas. The freedom to establish these mass organizations in its development is not controlled due to the absence of real government control and supervision. This has resulted in many mass organizations being born into thugs and illegal organizations. This study aims to analyze the current system of supervision of mass organizations in Indonesia, the weaknesses in the current implementation of mass organizations, and the ideal reconstruction of a system of supervision of mass organizations capable of realizing a just law of mass organizations. The research in this dissertation uses the sociological juridical method. As for the results of the research conducted, it can be found that the current implementation of normative supervision has not been effective, as evidenced by the large number of problematic and prohibited mass organizations, weaknesses in the supervision of mass organizations in the community due to a legal vacuum in the regulation of supervision of mass organizations, so it is necessary to reconstruct values by conducting supervision and education. regarding the goals of mass organizations and the goals of the state and nation as well as legal reconstruction in the form of adding provisions for the supervision of mass organizations in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 16 of 2017.

A well-functioning food safety regulatory arrangement is important for ensuring the standards of foodstuffs, better food business, and the protection of public health in a given country. This article deals with the perceived determinants of the food safety regulation in Bangladesh. Based on literature review, we propose an analytical framework and identify key determinants that might influence effective food safety regulation in a developing country like Bangladesh. We then conduct a perception survey on 200 different kinds of stakeholders involved with the regulation of foodstuffs standards. We utilize descriptive mode of statistical analysis in our study. In our findings, actual autonomy of the main regulatory agency, and actual inter-organizational coordination are perceived as important determinates of effective food safety regulation. Proper enforcement of regulation, and accountability and transparency are perceived another factors of quality food safety regulation. It is also perceived that penalties are not sufficient enough for the food safety offences. Technical personnel and the state of the art laboratory facilities are other determinants of the regulation of food safety. Again, decentralized food safety regulatory network is perceived as very important determinant of the control of the food safety hazards at all level as well as an effective regulatory arrangement. The policy makers need to take into account the perceived determinates for desired food safety regulatory outcome in Bangladesh

The Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR4.0) is taking shape and has a strong impact on all areas of social life. For the state administration, the IR4.0 creates many opportunities as well as challenges that require managers to promptly grasp to have appropriate orientations and solutions, to perfect the state administration, to meet the requirements of national development. On the basis of analyzing the positive effects and challenges of IR4.0 on the reform of the state administration, the article proposes a number of recommendations: actively improve the institutional system of the administration, create a legal corridor for the development of industries and fields; promote the application of modern technological achievements to the management activities of administrative agencies; actively, proactively build and improve the qualifications and capacity of civil servants. Thereby, it will continue to perfect the state administration, and meet the requirements of IR4.0.

Cases of high levels of public debt have mostly been reported in many developing countries part of which is debt borrowed abroad. Foreign debt is more preferable by many developing countries because it is cheaper to service in terms of interest costs. These countries tax their citizens heavily to raise enough finances to pay foreign debt. It was thus feasible to establish the influence of the foreign debt and taxation on expenditure of the Kenyan government. The study employed a causal research design. The period under study ranged from 2002 to 2017. The study used secondary data which was extracted from the National Bureau of Statistics, and National Economic Surveys which were available at the Government of Kenya website. Correlation statistics were conducted to establish the association between variables. Regression analysis was used to establish the effect of foreign debt and taxation on government expenditure in Kenya. The findings revealed that foreign debt and taxation influences government expenditure individually. However, on the test of the joint effect, only taxation was found to influence public expenditure significantly unlike foreign debts.