Suchergebnisse

The paper aims to clarify the sense of contemporary fascism, particularly from the example of the Brazilian Bonsolarism, defining it as an anti-systemic, anti-institucional, anti-juridical and infralegal perspective with a personalist, devoted, voluntarist, spontaneous and militant character which starts from inside judiciary and in terms of subversion of the relation among law, politics and moral, and that, by means of politicization and partisanship of law, branches to the political system, serving as instrument to the fratricide political war among parties, from there linking to civil society in the form of constitution of a digital-social mass-militia of acclamation oriented to an anti-systemic posture. In this dynamic, the fascism has two constitutive and streamlining cores: on one side, it subverts the correlation of human rights and law, delegitimizing and truly destroying the ontogenetic primacy, the separation, the differentiation, the self-referentiality and the overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of them regarding law; on other, it leads to the deconstruction from inside to judiciary and political system of the highly institutionalist, legalist, technical, formal and depersonalized perspective which is proper to them, eliminating the centrality of the judiciary and, them, delegitimizing its regulator role regarding to political system and to the social dialectics, normalizing the totalizing regression caused by political-moral colonization of the democratic law. By reconstructing the pluralist and universalist democracy's meta-normative and generative basis as a public system of law, that is, the co-originality of universality of human rights, pluralism and law, the condition of ontogenetic primacy, independence, self-subsistence and overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of these regarding to law, we will point to the renewal of this systemic, systematic, procedural, mediated, instancial, progressive and publicized perspective of the public system of law, in the interrelation, separation and overposition of judiciary and political system, demarcated by a strong ideal of methodological-procedural-axiological institutionality, legality, technicality, formality and depersonalization, which eradicates the politicization and partisanship of law and, by devolving the complete integrality to law-judiciary, confines the democracy's political system and civil society to their true limits which are its structural basis: the human rights, the legal process and the public system of law, with the necessity of full translation of politics and moral to law, delimitating the pluralist and universalist democracy as a public system of law oriented to the production of universality in/as/by legality.

Habermas discusses the chances for the establishment of world citizenship in contemporary society, marked by multiculturalism and the process of globalization. Habermas identifies the historical configuration of the post-national constellation, and from there themed the transition from international law to the law of citizens of the world, which aligns the concept of citizenship to the idea of ​​human rights. Habermas analyzes the Kantian idea of ​​a cosmopolitan state in which citizens are legal subjects of their respective States and members of a cosmopolitan entity. Kant elaborates on the concept of world republic, which Habermas disagrees with, but offers the example of the European Union for a discussion on the realization of a just and peaceful international order. Based on the Kantian orientation of constituting an order of world citizenship, Habermas discusses the conformation and viability of this idea in contemporary times. For Habermas, it is possible to spell out the idea of ​​cosmopolitan citizenship. From the European Union, cooperation between States and citizens shows that a cosmopolitan community is needed to complement an international community of States.

The contemporary debate in the theory of international relations is marked by two perspectives: on the one hand the perspective of political realism that conceives of peace as an inaccessible ideal and war as a necessary means for the acquisition and maintenance of power; and on the other hand the perspective of normativism or idealism that thinks the end (telos) of international relations beyond the conflicts of interest and the struggle for power. The first perspective deals with international relations at the level of being (of what is), the second at the level of ought (normative level). In view of this scenario, our idea in this article is to approach the problem of war and peace from an interdisciplinary study through contributions from Kant's Public International Law and Philosophy. In a first moment we will analyze the paradox of the war, then the role of the Public International Law for the problematic of the peace, and finally the contributions of Kant for the normative redefinition of the international right from his republican project of the league of peace (foedus pacificum).

Since it is imposed to thinking, deconstruction can be seen as a law, the Law itself. Deconstruction of law is to put it in the context of writing, to notice its submission to the différance, to the play in the language. The law of deconstruction acts in the deconstruction of law, revealing paradoxes and fragilities of juridical order, as well as concepts of natural law and human rights. Finally, deconstruction of law brings with it justice as undecidability, such as the obligation to make fair decisions, even when it is not possible to state the presence of justice. Law, writing and deconstruction converge then to justice, understood as the hospitality.

Com a finalidade de reinserir Cuba na discussao dos problemas internacionais, publicam-se nesta secao tres documentos. O primeiro e um artigo de um sociologo cubano sobre as transformacoes que estao ocorrendo na economia e na sociedade cubanas e sobre as suas implicacoes. O segundo documento e um pronunciamento do arcebispo de Boston a proposito da visita do Papa a Cuba, e que contem uma lucida critica aos que pretendem impor uma mudanca politica no pais "de fora para dentro". O terceiro documento, finalmente, e um artigo solicitado ao embaixador de Cuba no Brasil sobre a posicao da ilha no cenario internacional e que reflete, como nao poderia deixar de ser, a posicao oficial dos dirigentes cubanos. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

O presente estudo teve como principal problemática o exame da autonomia da escola pública. Procuramos investigar os fatores que influenciam essa autonomia a fim de constatar se existem mais possibilidades ou mais limites. Para isto priorizou-se a pesquisa bibliográfica e, a fim de considerar a prática e ter dados empíricos para análise, foram realizadas duas entrevistas com profissionais da educação de diferentes instituições: um da unidade escolar e outro da Diretoria de Ensino. Os dados mostraram que, apesar da legislação garantir maior autonomia para a escola, esta continua sofrendo um controle exagerado dos órgãos superiores. Conclui-se que a luta por uma escola mais autônoma e igualitária é árdua, porém constitui-se como um processo possível de realização.

O Estado, concebido na antiguidade para melhor organização das relações sociais passou por um longo processo de amadurecimento à luz dos contextos contemporâneos de cada democracia. O presente trabalho abordará as temáticas democracia, corrupção e ciência política, buscando arcabouço teórico para o desenvolvimento desses temas. Para isso, foi utilizado método pautado em ampla exploração bibliográfica, pois esta fornece os meios necessários para demonstrar as definições dos conceitos e ainda possibilitar melhor compreensão sistemática a respeito doa temas central e correlatos. Neste interim, o termo "política" está associado aos direitos e deveres inerentes aos agentes que compõem o regime democrático adotado e desenvolvido nos Estados contemporâneos, tais aspectos levam a percepção e estudos sobre o perfil dos líderes políticos quanto a população que vive sobre esse tipo de sistema. Com o desenvolvimento teórico desse trabalho torna-se evidente a necessidade de prudência como característica base para a formação do líder, compondo-se ponderação na tomadas de decisões e levando o governante a estar mais apto para assumir o poder do governo. O trabalho considera ainda que o papel da sociedade é primordial para uma boa gestão administrativa pública, pois esta integra e se forma a partir das virtudes dos indivíduos que a compõem, somente sob esta perspectiva é que sociedade poderá caminhar para uma gestão pública adequada.