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The discussion of the role of self-government in Poland's political structure has been closely linked to the Polish people's aspirations and desire for freedom, democracy and a state in which sovereignty is indeed in the hands of its people. These aspirations, so strongly expressed during the general election of June 1989, have since the very beginning included demands for self-government. What it meant for the state and its political system, was the implementation of the idea embodied in the name Solidarity which, as a trade union, was also to be independent and self-governing. It was also the realisation of the demand for a 'Samorządna Rzeczpospolita' (a Self-governing Republic), one of the fundamental principles of the Solidarity movement put forward at its First National Congress, which I had the honour of chairing in 1981.In March 1990, only a few months after its election on 4 June 1989, the Polish parliament adopted a law that restored the institution of local self-government at the level of communes and municipalities (gmina). Thus, 25 years ago, the road to political transformation in Poland was opened, allowing the building of a Polish state understood as the political community of all its citizens – a real Res Publica.The predominating belief which accompanied us in this process was that the indispensable prerequisite to shaping democracy was to give back the state to its citizens, thus releasing dormant social energy and the entrepreneurial spirit of the people. After all democracy means not only the possibility of the democratically electing the political representatives (the authorities) but equally the chance for citizens to feel involved and take the responsibility for public affairs.Therefore the first democratic government, headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, began the process of restoring the state to its citizens from the most important starting point. It started with the rebuilding of communal and municipal self-governing structures and the recreating of the intellectual foundations for the formation of the new constitution of a citizens-centred state.This was possible mainly because a vision of reform had already been conceived and had been long developing in the minds of a number of distinguished persons. This project of self-government reform constituted an original example of engagement of Polish intellectuals in state affairs and their taking responsibility for the common good.The reform also turned out to be one of the most effective methods of de-communisation of Polish public life. This could be best seen in the results of the first election to self-governing structures in 1990, and the role which the Solidarity citizens' committees played in it. It was indeed the same people, the co-founders and members of the Solidarity movement, who have successfully carried out the restoration of self-government in Poland.'We marched for power to return it to the people' was the motto of the Polish government in 1997, a government which I had the honour of heading for the subsequent four years, and which articulated the goals and the sense of political and social transformation of those times. We called it a Four Reform Programme, and its objective was a fundamental transformation of public life in Poland. On the one hand we intended to create favourable conditions for the development of the public civic space, while on the other we strove to activate and make more dynamic the processes of economic, political and cultural development in the country.We believed that acceleration of this development and modernisation was contingent upon active participation of self-government structures. Hence the creation of strong self-government had gradually become our conscious choice and an urgent 'civilising task.' This task was grounded equally in the need to manage properly our recently regained independence, and in the need to make efficient use of the pre-accession period preceding Poland's membership of the European Union, which was then imminent.Thus the administrative reform undertaken by my government in 1999 introduced districts (powiat) as self-governing level of administration, allowing it, in conjunction with communes and municipalities (gmina), to take effective control of matters directly affecting local communities and their citizens. The self-governing structures formed at the level of strong voivodships, or regions, allowed at the same time to decentralise responsibility for regional economic development, competitiveness and modernisation strategies.Today, after over 10 years of EU membership, it is worth reflecting on the impact the political reforms which we carried through then have had on Poland's functioning in the system of European integration. We were proven right in our conviction that decentralisation and differentiation of various state functions would allow for a better and more effective use and management of EU funds.The three-tier self-government structure created solid foundations helping to satisfy better the aspirations of citizens, local communities and regions with regard to their modernisation and development. Today it is those local self-governing units, those closest to citizens, those most familiar with and with the best understanding of their needs, which are responsible for the drafting of regional development projects and the management of funds available for those projects. Self-government structures have become the real centres for formulating and implementing development strategies.This is the context in which the key challenge facing self-government is set, namely the fostering of entrepreneurship, ensuring proper conditions for innovation and mobilising citizens to engage in economic and social initiatives. The role of self-government in shaping of the state's development policy is not limited to dividing available means and resources. Much more important is its ability to effectively multiply the available means, to support partnership ventures, including public-private projects, to form strong business to business relationships as well as partner relations between research centres and local administrative bodies, or promote and support innovations and civic initiatives serving the common good. After all, all these are key factors for the long-term stability and development of our communities and our country, which is today the key measure of the responsibility for public matters, so deeply rooted in the idea of self-government.The self-government reform originated from the ideas developed in the 1980s of the twentieth century as part of the Solidarity movement, but was implemented in an already independent Poland, when laying the foundations for a transformation of the state and the democratisation of the citizen-state relationship. It also had, however, and maybe predominantly, a deep idealistic dimension, so easy to forget when we focus on the current and most urgent challenges of the present.In my opinion, it is in self-governance, as well as in the political and administrative culture, that opportunities for building our freedom lie: freedom, the sense of which we feel best if given a chance to share in the responsibility for it. In times of independence this means the possibility of personal engagement public issues based on the pro publico bono principle: issues pertaining to our family life, our local community, or the whole country.Today, in the context of our shared responsibility for the European Union, such an understanding of self-governance should also inspire us to seek new directions of development, and to participate in the shaping of Europe-wide standards of public life. In the same way as 25 years ago in Poland we founded a political community on the basis of self-governance, we should today look at self-governance as a chance to create a true political community of all European citizens.

Extreme fragile situations are now home to at least a quarter of the worlds people. In the worst cases, where fragility has given way to open violence - people are more than twice as likely to be malnourished, more than three times as likely to be unable to send their children to school, twice as likely to see their children die before age five, and more than twice as likely to lack clean water. It is unsurprising that not a single low-income country in these circumstances has been able to achieve even one Millennium Development Goal (World Bank 2011). In addition, many fragile situations generate spillover effects such as trafficking in illegal goods and persons, and corruption, which threaten the stability of neighboring countries (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, or OECD 2005, 2010). This study views fragility as not only a problem of state capacity, but also of relationships in society. That is, while some elements of fragility emanate from the state, others are deeply rooted in societal dynamics, the way individuals and groups interact and the relationships that form out of these interactions.

Introducción La televisión es considerada como un instrumento socializador modelador de conciencias y, sobre todo, incitador de la creación de la opinión pública en programas de carácter sensacionalista. En este sentido, este estudio basado en la sociedad del espectáculo tiene como finalidad analizar los efectos negativos que pueden desarrollarse a través del consumo de los estereotipos, el discurso televisivo y las prácticas de la audiencia en el visionado de este modelo de programas. A partir de los criterios y bases de estudio seleccionadas, se pretende establecer una comparativa, a nivel europeo entre España e Italia, mediante una instrumentación adecuada para conocer los perfiles individuales de los programas, así como de sus audiencias. De esta manera, se han seleccionado los programas «Corazón» de «TVE1» de titularidad pública, «Sálvame» de «Telecinco», privado y, «La vita in diretta» de «RAI 1», de titularidad pública y «Pomeriggio Cinque » de «Canale 5» privado. La meta de este estudio es obtener unos resultados concretos que validen la repercusión mediática de este tipo de programas de carácter sensacionalista. A partir de este objetivo se propondrán una serie de propuestas formativas. Objetivos El objetivo general de esta Tesis Doctoral consiste en analizar la programación de las cadenas públicas y privadas de los países de la Unión Europea (España-Italia) para destacar las claves del discurso televisivo, los estereotipos ideológicos y los hábitos de la audiencia en la televisión de carácter sensacionalista. Además, se abordarán 5 objetivos específicos: analizar los hábitos y tipos de audiencia de programas televisivos para conocer perfiles individuales; examinar contenidos y hábitos en los programas sensacionalistas de canales públicos y privados de España e Italia desde la perspectiva de la audiencia; analizar los discursos televisivos en programas televisivos sensacionalistas de España e Italia; descubrir diferentes estereotipos en los programas sensacionalistas a partir de análisis de contenidos y los percibidos por la audiencia; y observar estrategias de percepción crítica en la audiencia para la recepción de los mensajes sensacionalista. Método Esta investigación está compuesta por dos estudios. En primer lugar, se realizó un análisis cualitativo de la muestra audiovisual seleccionada en ambos países de la Unión Europea (España e Italia). Para ello, se llevó a cabo, con ayuda de la técnica conocida como la semana construida de Stempel, la transcripción de 16 emisiones (4 por programa). De esta manera, este primer estudio ha abordado a través de un análisis de contenido apoyado de observación no participante, así como un análisis sociodemográfico de los contenidos y sus protagonistas. Además, para conocer los valores comprendidos en las programaciones se ha tenido en cuenta la escala de Schwarzt. Por otro lado, en el segundo estudio, se ha validado un cuestionario para medir los hábitos de la audiencia frente al consumo de este modelo de programa. Por lo tanto, una vez validado y aceptado por expertos profesionales en materia de educomunicación se ha procedido a evaluar a la sociedad española e italiana. El cuestionario está conformado en dos bloques: por un lado, los primeros 15 ítems están relacionados con un estudio socio-demográfico de la población, y por otro lado, los 30 ítems restantes evalúan mediante escala Likert (donde el 1 es totalmente desacuerdo y el 5 totalmente de acuerdo) las prácticas de consumo de ambas sociedades europeas. Para analizar los resultados se ha utilizado el programa estadístico SPSS, estableciendo previamente las dimensiones y variables de estudio. Resultados Con respecto al estudio 1, el visionado de la muestra seleccionada «Corazón » y «Sálvame» (España) y «La vita in diretta» y «Pomeriggio cinque» (Italia) generan en el espectador ideas fundamentadas en el estatus social que se le presenta, así como representaciones de la calidad informativa en las distintas cadenas de televisión.El perfil de estos programas se caracteriza por utilizar los reportajes y crónicas, las entrevistas como los géneros televisivos más demandados en las cadenas de titularidad pública. Mientras que en las cadenas privadas se tiende a usar con mayor frecuencia las críticas y comentarios ante este mismo perfil. Además, se identifican por ser de producción nacional en máxima totalidad y desarrollados en escenarios artificiales exceptuando los reportajes que se realizan en escenarios naturales. En cuanto a la temática más frecuentada en sus contenidos, esta se vincula con temas relacionados con el amor, la familia, las noticias de divulgación y los «realities shows» perteneciendo este último tema solo a cadenas privadas. Por otro lado, atendiendo a las figuras protagonistas de los contenidos audiovisuales, se identifican en profesionales de la información y en personajes populares. Los periodistas que desarrollan los contenidos se identifican por ser en su mayoría mujeres debido a la carga emotiva de sus informaciones, así como el presentador específico o colaborador del programa. En cuanto a los personajes populares, en España, prevalece el sector femenino, de clase media, de origen nacional y de edades comprendidas entre 20 y 40 años. La única diferencia palpable en los cuatro programas se observa en la ocupación de los personajes populares, mientras que en la cadena pública optan por los meritócratas, la cadena privada prefiere los famosos por relación. Por su parte, el perfil de consumidor en Italia es el de hombre, de clase social media-alta, de procedencia nacional, meritócrata y de edades comprendidas entre los 20 y 60 años. Por último, en relación al lenguaje, este se determina por el uso del lenguaje periodístico apoyado de coloquialismo por parte de los profesionales de la información y el uso de lenguaje coloquial y discursivo por parte de los personajes del mundo de la farándula. Además, el sistema de signos y la comunicación no verbal están inmersos en el total de las retransmisiones, estableciendo un vínculo entre el receptor y el emisor del mensaje. En el estudio 2, el análisis de los resultados recogidos a través de la encuesta demuestra que el perfil español se caracteriza por consumir televisión durante toda la franja horaria de la cadena privada, «Telecinco» (43%) elegida en su mayoría, frente a la cadena de titularidad pública «TVE 1» (42%). Además, optan por el visionado del programa «Sálvame» con un 27% (privado), «Corazón» con un 12% (público) y un 61% niegan consumir ambos programas. Por otro lado, los programas de carácter sensacionalista son más consumidos en entornos rurales (2,81) que en entornos urbanos (2,71) según la media obtenida. En cuanto al perfil individual del espectador, este se identifica con una persona de una media de 65 años, mujer, sin diferencias estadísticamente significativas en la ocupación que desempeñe y con estudios de nivel bajo. Por su parte, el perfil italiano se define por el visionado de la televisión en franja horaria de tarde. Además, apuestan por la cadena de titularidad pública «RAI 1» (56%) frente a la privada «Canale 5» (39%). En cuanto a la elección de los programas de carácter sensacionalista, consumen con un 28% «Pomeriggio cinque» (privado), frente al 21% de «La vita in diretta» (público) y al 51% que señalan que no frecuentan ninguno. Por otro lado, el entorno urbano asciende en la media (2,86) frente a los entornos rurales (2,76) a la hora de consumir los programas de crónica «rosa». Por último, el perfil particular del televidente italiano es una mujer con una media de 65 años dedicada a los cuidados del hogar y con estudios de nivel bajo. Conclusiones En relación al estudio 1 se concluye que la batalla constante a la que se ven sometidas las cadenas de titularidad pública y privada, provocan que los espectadores se encuentren expuestos a la sobresaturación e infoxicación de los mensajes que transmiten a diario en su programación. Sin duda, los contenidos basados en el entretenimiento y temas de variedad son aquellos que suscitan mayor interés en la audiencia, a pesar de las faltas de respetos y constantes vulgarismos arraigados. En este sentido, los valores negativos y el enmascaramiento de la realidad son candentes en sus contenidos y los entrevistados tienden a enlazar el sensacionalismo únicamente con los programas conocidos como «telebasura» o programas de corazón. Por otro lado, en relación a los estereotipos arraigados en este tipo de programas, la figura femenina ocupa un segundo lugar en la sociedad actual, señalada como el sexo débil, imperando el machismo en los contenidos televisivos. Asimismo, las minorías, etnias o grupos marginales no cuentan con el respeto a la imagen de sus colectivos, provocando discriminación y desigualdad entre los espectadores. En este sentido, es necesario educar a los telespectadores para evitar que se mantengan estas diferencias en la sociedad. Por su parte, en el estudio 2 se concluye que la población española se caracteriza por consumir con mayor frecuencia aquellos programas relacionados con la crónica «rosa» o el sensacionalismo frente a la población italiana. El ascenso imperante por estos contenidos ha provocado que existan diferencias estadísticamente significativas en el estudio sociodemográfico de la muestra seleccionada. España incide en el consumo de la cadena privada, mientras que Italia prefiere la cadena de titularidad pública, apostando por el servicio público que ofrece a favor de la ciudadanía. Sin embargo, en relación al consumo de los programas seleccionados para el análisis de esta Tesis Doctoral, se ha demostrado que a pesar que los espectadores de ambas nacionalidades conocen la temática y los contenidos de los programas de crónica rosa, los resultados indican el escaso visionado sobre ellos. Esta conclusión se basa en el sentimiento de vergüenza relacionado por el consumo de contenidos basuras o inapropiados. Para finalizar, hay que destacar la necesidad de educar y formar a los ciudadanos en competencia mediática para que puedan convertirse en prosumidores empoderados. La falta de calidad informativa en los programas de carácter sensacionalista cobra un papel importante en los estudios de la comunidad académica, justificando la falta de códigos deontológicos que apoyen y desarrollen una correcta televisión de calidad. Asimismo, los estereotipos, creencias y prejuicios a través de los programas de crónica rosa deben ser erradicados, evitando la conformación de actitudes, sobre todo, en el público más vulnerable. ; Introduction Television is regarded as an instrument of consciousness and modeler socializing, above all, instigator of the creation of public opinion in sensationalist programs. In this way, this study based on the society of the spectacle has as purpose to analyze the negative effects that can be developed through consumption of stereotypes, the television discourse and the audience practices in the viewing of such programs. On the basis of the criteria and bases of selected study, we intend to establish a comparison at European level between Spain and Italy, using a suitable instrumentation for the profiles of individual programs as well as to their audiences. In this way, programs «Corazón» by «TVE1» public ownership, «Sálvame» by «Telecinco» private and «La vita in diretta» by «RAI l»public ownership and «Pomeriggio Cinque» by «Canale 5» private have been selected. The goal of this study is to obtain concrete results that validate the media impact of this type of sensationalist programs. From this objective a set of educational proposals will be offered. Objectives The overall objective of this thesis is to analyze the programming of public and private chains from the European Union countries (Spain and Italy) to highlight the keys of the television discourse, the ideological stereotypes and the habits of the audience on sensationalist TV. In addition,5 specific objectives will be addressed: to analyze the habits and types of audience of television programs for individual profiles; to browse contents and habits in the sensational programs of both public and private channels from Spain and Italy from the perspective of the audience; to analyze the television speeches in television sensationalist programs from Spain and Italy; to discover different stereotypes in the sensationalist programs based on the analysis of content and the perceived by the audience; and to observe strategies of critical perception in the audience for the receipt of sensationalist messages. Method This research is composed by two studies. In the first place, a qualitative analysis of the audiovisual show selected in both countries of the European Union (Spain and Italy) was performed. To do this, the transcription of 16 emissions (4 per program) was carried out with the help of the technique known as the week built of Stempel. In this way, this first study has addressed through a content analysis supported non-participant observation, as well as a socio-demographic analysis of the content and its protagonists. In addition, to know the values within the schedules the scale of Schwarzt has been taken into account. On the other hand, in the second study, a questionnaire to measure the habits of the audience before the consumption of this type of programs has been validated. Therefore, once validated and accepted by professional experts in the field of educommunication has proceeded to evaluate the Spanish and Italian society. The questionnaire is formed in two blocks: on the one hand, the first 15 items are related to a socio-demographic population study, and on the other hand, the remaining 30 items using Likert scale (where 1 is totally disagree and 5 fully agree) evaluated the practices of consumption of both European societies. To analyze the results the statistical program SPSS has been used, establishing beforehand the dimensions and study variables. Results With regard to the study 1, the viewing of the sample selected «Corazón» and «Sálvame» (Spain) and «La vita in diretta» and «Pomeriggio Cinque» (Italy) generating in the spectator of ideas based on the social status that is presented, as well as representations of the quality of information in the various television channels. The profile of these programs are characterised by the use of the reports and chronicles, the interviews as the genres most demanded in the public ownership chains. While in private chains tend to use more frequently the criticisms and comments before this same profile. In addition, are identified as being of national production in maximum entirety and developed in artificial scenarios except for reports that are made in natural settings. With regard to the thematic more frequented in its contents, this is linked to issues related with love, family, news of outreach and «reality shows» belonging tñe latter topic only to private broadcasters. On the other hand, the protagonists of audiovisual content figures are identified by information professionals and popular characters. Journalists who develop the contents are identified as being mostly women because of the emotional charge of their information, as well as specific program presenter or collaborator. Regarding popular personalities, in Spain, the female sector, middle class, national origin and aged between 20 and 40 years prevails. The only palpable difference in the four programs is observed in the occupation of popular personalities, while the public chain choose meritocrats, the private chain prefers famous for relationship. Meanwhile, the consumer profile in Italy is that of a man, upper-middle, class of national origin, meritocrat and aged between 20 and 60 years. Lastly, in relation to language, this is determined by the use of journalistic language colloquialism supported by information professionals and the use of colloquial and discursive language by characters from the world of entertainment. In addition, the system of signs and nonverbal communication are immersed in total retransmissions, establishing a link between the receiver and sender of the message. In study 2, analysis of the results collected through the survey shows that Spanish profile is characterized by consuming television throughout the time slot of the private channel, «Telecinco» (43%) chosen mostly against of public ownership chain «TVE 1» (42%). Also, they opt for the viewing of «Sálvame» program with 27% (private), «Corazón» with 12% (public) and 61% refuse to consume both programs. On the other hand, sensationalist programs are more consumed in rural areas (2.81) than in urban areas (2.71) according to the average obtained. As for the individual profile of the viewer, this is identified to a person from an average of 65 years old, female, with no statistically significant differences in occupation and perform low-level studies. Moreover, the Italian profile is defined by the viewing of television time slot afternoon. In addition, they opt for public ownership chain «RAI 1» (56%) versus private «Canale 5» (39%). Regarding the choice of sensationalist programs consume 28% «Pomeriggiocinque» (private), compared with 21% of «La vita in diretta» (public) and 51% indicating no frequenting none. On the other hand, the urban environment rises in average (2.86) compared to rural areas (2.76) when consuming chronic programs gossip TV. Lastly, the particular profile of the Italian television viewer is a woman with an average of 65 years dedicated to home care and low-level studies. Conclusions In relation to the study 1 it is concluded that the constant battle to which the chains of public and private ownership are subjected, cause that viewers are exposed to waterlogging and infoxication of the messages that are transmitted on a daily basis in their programming. Without doubt, the contents based on entertainment and themes of variety are those which give rise to a greater interest in audience, despite the lack of respect and constant vulgar words rooted. In this regard, negative values and masking of reality are burning in their contents and respondents tend to bind the sensationalism only with programs known as «trash TV». On the other hand, in relation to the stereotypes rooted in this type of program, the female figure occupies the second place in the current society, identified as the weaker sex, prevail sexism in the television content. In addition, minorities, ethnic groups or marginal groups do not count with respect to the image of their collective, causing discrimination and inequality among spectators. In this sense, it is necessary to educate viewers to prevent these differences remain in society. For its part, in study 2 it is concluded that the Spanish population is characterized by viewing more frequently those programs related with the chronic gossip TV or the sensationalism compared to Italian population. The prevailing ascent by these contents has caused that statistically significant differences exist in the socio¬demographic sample selected. Spain has an impact on the consumption of the private chain, while Italy prefer the chain of public ownership, betting on the public service that offers in favor of citizenship. However, in relation to the consumption of the programs selected for the analysis in this thesis, it has been demonstrated that despite viewers of both nationalities know the subject and the content of the gossip TV, the results indicate a limited viewing on them. This conclusion is based on the feeling of shame related by the consumption of rubbish or inappropriate contents. In conclusion, we must stress the need to educate and train citizens in media competence so that they can become prosumers empowered. The lack of quality information in the programs of sensational character takes a major role in the studies of the academic community, justifying the lack of codes of conduct to support and develop a correct quality television. Also, stereotypes, beliefs and biases through these programmes must be eradicated, avoiding the formation of attitudes, especially in the more vulnerable audience.

This is Who We Were: In the 2010s provides the reader with a deeper understanding of day-to-day life in America from 2010 to 2019. This new volume in the This is Who We Were series is sure to be of value as both a serious research tool for students of American history as well as an intriguing climb up America's family tree. The richly illustrated text provides an interesting way to study a truly unique time in American history. Personal Profiles: Over 25 in-depth Personal Profiles examine the lives of individuals and families who lived during the decade. Each profile details life at home, at work and in the community. Profiles also include original tables from the 2010 Census, reprinted exactly as they appeared decades ago. Historical Snapshots: This section includes lists of important "firsts" for America, from technical advances and political events to new products and top-selling books. Combining serious American history with fun facts, these snapshots present, in chronological categories, an easy-to-read overview of what happened in the 2010s. Economy of the Times: This section looks at a wide range of economic data, including food, clothing, transportation, housing and other selected prices, with reprints of actual advertisements for products and services of the time. It includes figures for three years in the following categories: Consumer Expenditures, Annual Income, Selected Prices and a Value of the Dollar from 1860 to 2010. A fascinating look at the economic picture of 1950 and how the engine that drives our economy has changed. All Around Us: What We Saw, Wrote, Read & Listened To: This section includes reprints of newspaper and magazine articles, letters, posters, and others items designed to help the reader focus on what was on the minds of Americans in the 2010s. These printed pieces show how popular opinion was formed, and how American life was affected in this decade. 2010 Census Summary & Comparison Data: This section includes actual Census material, including a comprehensive U.S. report that summarizes individual responses along with a Comparison of Principal Cities charts population characteristics in 2010 for many cities, in 26 different interesting population characteristics. This dynamic new title will benefit a wide range of academic and personal research and curriculum needs. A truly unique and interesting look at what American life was like in 2010, this volume will be an important acquisition for high school, public and academic libraries as well as social science and history reference collections. - Publisher

'This will have been: art, love & politics in the 1980s' covers the period from 1979 to 1992. During this era, the political sphere was dominated by the ideas of former US President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, the music scene was transformed by punk and the birth of hip-hop, and our everyday lives were radically altered by a host of technological developments, from the Sony Walkman and the ATM to the appearance of MTV and the first personal computers. In the United States, the decade opened with an enormous anti-nuclear protest in New York's Central Park and closed with mass demonstrations against the government's slow response to the AIDS crisis. This exhibition attempts to make sense of what happened to the visual arts in the United States during this tumultuous period. The artists represented in This Will Have Been belong to the first generation of artists to grow up with a television in the home. They came of age in a culture saturated with images designed to promote desire - desire for objects, for lifestyles, for fame, for conformity, for anti-conformity. So too the majority of these artists lived through the heady days of the 1970s feminist movement and witnessed that broad-based social movement's demands for equality in all areas of life - work, family, and intimate relationships. It became the task of the 1980s to assimilate these powerful social forces - the rise of television and movements for social justice - as they converged. For many of the artists represented in this exhibition that meant grappling with complex questions: In a world increasingly filled with mass-media images, what is the role of the visual arts? How can artists make images that either compete with or counter the powerful images produced by advertising and Hollywood? In a society struggling for increased equality, how do historically marginalized people - women, people of color, and gays and lesbians - find their public voice? Toward the end of the decade, as the rise of HIV/AIDS created a growing political and medical crisis in the United States, these questions increased in urgency. This Will Have Been features a wide range of artworks, made by a diverse group of nearly one hundred artists, demonstrating the decade's moments of contentious debate, raucous dialogue, erudite opinions, and joyful expression - all in the name of an expanded idea of freedom, long the promise of democratic societies--MOCA website