Suchergebnisse

Czechoslovak PO poll results for the period Jan 1968-Mar 1969 are summarized. The original polls were conducted by the Czechoslovak Instit of PO & released to the press. Topics covered include econ trends, perspectives on nat'l history, evaluation of nat'l leaders, att's toward foreign countries & world events, the movement of Soviet troops into Czechoslovakia, student protests, censorship, rehabilitation of prisoners, reforms & the role of the Communist Party. Reforming tendencies got massive support & the policies of the 1950's typically were endorsed by 2-3% on most questions. AA.

It is shown that the index to the Public Opinion Quarterly cannot be an objective record of the res that was done because it is dependent upon editorial decisions. It is pointed out that PO res'ers are concerned with issues that are salient to the time the res was undertaken. Examples from the index are presented to substantiate this. It is shown that not only is the res related to specific historical periods, but also the terminology which is used changes. A delineation of the types of perennially interesting res is made. G. Satt.

A new technique for gauging PO, designed to complement regular PO surveys, is discussed. The method is based on a refinement of the 'abrometer' areas or 'referendum' approach. 4 countries were selected, each with a record of accurately reflecting the sentiment of its area in the last 4 presidential elections. Election data for each county were carefully analyzed, & this information was then used to select 3 or more small units which, taken together, provided an accurate reflection of the whole county. In this way a referendum becomes manageable & yet produces enough ballots to provide a reliable result for the county. Voters were asked to check questions pro & con certain public issues. The results obtained passed certain tests for present-day representativeness. Both nat'l & regional results of a subsequent survey matched those obtained with the referendum method. It is felt that this technique requires less expertise & is less costly than a regular survey. It can be widely employed to shed light on the public's views on local issues & to illuminate, for the benefit of the representatives of the people, the state of PO on major issues confronting the nation. 2 Tables. Modified HA.

The concept of alienation is defined, discussed, & diff'iated.

Data are analyzed from 1,500 Japanese PO surveys taken since 1945. Trend analyses are made on several issues. Attitudes toward the US were typically more favorable than opposing, but became less so in the late 1960s & 1970s. The Japanese have gained increasing support for public involvement in politics, though adherence to specific parties has declined. Concerns have shifted from the public to the private over this period, with the family being the center of private life. The Emperor's political role has remained strongly supported. Overall results include continuing nationalism, increasing support for democratic politics, increasing orientation to the family & private life, & transformation of social norms regarding personal conduct. 8 Tables. W. H. Stoddard.

To determine the extent of public discontent with PO polling, in Jun 1964 1,000 Amer's, constituting R's in an area probability sample, were personally polled about (a) f of experience with polling, (b) objections to specific questions they had been asked, & (c) whether they considered questions asked to be invasions of privacy. 35% of the sample reported having been polled. Among this 35%, 80% voiced no objection, 13% reported refusing to answer objectionable questions, 5% answered despite objections, & 2% did not respond. Invasion of privacy was voiced by 18%-mostly regarding income questions. This study does not consider (i) 15% of the original sample who refused to be interviewed, (ii) trends over time, or (iii) overall reaction to polling in general as opposed to reaction to specific questions asked. AA.

It is felt that legislation will help to make PO poll data more reliable. The author's own effort to introduce a bill (unsuccessfully) in the 91st US Congress in this context are recounted. Pol'al candidates use polls & sometimes feel abused by polls. One pol'al candidate went to court over a poll-the case of Citizens for Ferency vs Market Opinion Res, Michigan State, 1966. This case is briefly described. It highlighted one particular problem: 'You cannot direct your action, legal or legislative, against a newspaper because of `freedom of the press' considerations.' In this case, the defendant argued for dismissal on the grounds that his method of polling was a `trade secret' & therefore protected against disclosure. The judge granted a temporary injunction, & then dismissed the petition altogether on grounds that the plaintiff could not prove damages. Since then, the type of information called for in Nedzi's Congressional bill has generally appeared with gratifying regularity in published accounts of poll results. The reasons why disclosure is desirable are briefly reviewed. Congress should have hearings focusing on the following: (1) Are PO polls trustworthy? (2) Do PO polls guide opinion as well as measure it? (3) Is some public disclosure necessary as a safeguard against misrepresentation or misunderstanding? (4) Can regulations be devised to handle 'leaked' polls? (5) Do adverse polls cause a 'bandwagon' psychol to build up, damaging the candidate shown to be trailing & drying up contributions? (6) Is legislation desirable? (7) Is policy made on the basis of polls? The Nedzi Bill is summarized. M. Maxfield.

Statistically designed sample surveys have enabled pollsters to gauge PO on a wide range of issues. In such surveys, selection of a data collection technique is generally based on 4 criteria: (1) cost; (2) completion time; (3) response rate; & (4) response bias. Typically, more weight is placed on the 1st 3 factors &, as a result, adequate attention has not been given to the latter consideration. The study described looks at one type of response bias-that which results from the use of a specific data collection method. More specifically, this res uses a controlled exp'al design in order to determine whether responses given in a PO polling are influenced by the method used to collect the data. 3 methods are investigated: (1) a mail questionaire (2) a telephone interview; & (3) personal interview. The major finding from the study is that responses are not always independent of the method used to collect the data & that this form of response bias is likely to be a problem in telephone & personal interviews whenever the question being asked is one for which there exists a soc'ly undesirable response. AA.

A president skillful enough, or fortunate enough, to preside over a healthy economy is rewarded with public support. Examined are two conceptions of the individual citizen that might underlie this aggregate relationship. A president's popularity might decline when economic times are bad because citizens in effect blame him for their personal hardships -- the pocketbook citizen hypothesis -- or because they see the president as failing to cope adequately with national economic problems, quite apart from the economic dislocations of private life -- the sociotropic citizen hypothesis. Across a variety of tests, results from national surveys covering the Nixon, Ford, & Carter presidencies consistently supported the sociotropic hypothesis. Several promising explanations for the findings are suggested, & their normative implications explored. 2 Tables, 3 Figures. AA.