Suchergebnisse

Complice l'attuale battaglia con il Covid-19, il rinnovato interesse per le malattie contagiose e per il modo di affrontarle può indurre a cercare nella 'gestione' dell'influenza 'spagnola' risposte e soluzioni agli interrogativi che agitano la società di oggi di fronte all'infuriare della pandemia: è possibile conciliare libertà dell'uomo e tutela della salute? L'opinione pubblica deve concorrere al governo dell'emergenza sanitaria? Fino a che punto è consigliabile informare la popolazione (e quindi spaventarla)? Sebbene l'analisi delle strategie giuridiche adottate dal governo italiano nel fronteggiare l'avanzata del 'morbo crudele' riveli stupefacenti somiglianze tra ieri e oggi (quarantene, misure sanitarie, reazioni collettive e paure non sembrano infatti essere affatto mutate), la ricerca di linee generali di condotta, di per sé ammissibile e utile, non deve suggerire pericolose comparazioni: l'assetto istituzionale, gli apparati di gestione e di controllo e il rapporto tra autorità e società di un secolo fa marcano profonde cesure tra l'Italia della 'spagnola' e quella del coronavirus. A fronte di un comune incremento del potere normativo dell'esecutivo, la 'torsione autoritativa' della tarda età liberale e la legislazione di guerra determinarono una vera e propria crisi delle istituzioni rappresentative, attribuendo al Ministero dell'Interno (allora rappresentato da Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, che era anche alla guida del Consiglio dei Ministri) amplissimi poteri in campo sanitario, di pubblica sicurezza e di controllo delle informazioni riservate, lasciando alla stampa il difficile compito di rapportarsi con un'opinione pubblica volutamente esclusa dalla politica del diritto. Nel gettare un ponte tra due 'mondi' simili eppure lontani, le pagine che seguono tracciano una 'micro-storia' all'interno della 'macro-storia' sulla pandemia del 1918 e del 'laboratorio giuridico' italiano sulla 'spagnola', per dimostrare come spesso (allora) ma non sempre (oggi) sia lecito ritenere che l'allarme sanitario si traduca in vero e proprio stato d'emergenza, determinando la violazione dei diritti e l'annullamento delle libertà dell'uomo. ; Between August 1918 and March 1919 the so called 'Spanish' flu spread all around the world, claiming 50 to 100 million lives (more people than perished in First and Second World War). Although largely forgotten for many decades, the 1918 pandemic has been rediscovered in recent years, not only by health specialists, but also by economists, sociologists, and historians. Following the current emergency we are fighting against for a year now, 'Spanish' flu has also been the chosen precedent of the coronavirus, evoking a whole series of analogies and differences among the two crises and about how they have been addressed. On the one hand, social distancing draws a line of continuity between present and past; on the other, one cannot miss the long list of differences between two epidemics separated by a century of changes in terms of medical knowledge and techniques, economic network and models of production, social and political relations and structures. When it specifically comes to the legal field, notwit standing some considerable discontinuities between the world of 'Spanish' flu and the world of coronavirus, it can be assumed that every sanitary emergency – including that of 1918 – requires a balance of interests between personal freedom and protection of public health, as well as a deep insight on its reflection on the public opinion. In the light of the significant role of public opinion in guiding and influencing political choises when dealing with pandemics, the following pages are devoted to a specific chapter of the Spanish pandemic's 'macro-history': the 'micro-history' of the legal strategy developed in Italy before the advancing of Spanish influenza, especially during its second wave (august-october 1918). Between the hot summer and the cold autumn of 1918, in fact, the italian government tried in every way to minimize the epidemic course, avoiding to keep people informed on the outbreak, excluding citizens from any sort of decision-making process, and exercising emergency powers in the name of security. A true 'State of emergency' was built, therefore, by relying on the consideration that the rule of law was to be suspended in the case of emergency, as the 'Spanish' flu undoubtedly was.

Poljska javnost bila je zainteresirana za zbivanja među Južnim Slavenima. Nastanak Kraljevstva Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca poljski tisak tretirao je kao prirodno pravo malih naroda na samoodređenje. Sa simpatijama su promatrana nastojanja Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba. Nije to, naravno, bila tema prvih stranica novina budući da se u tom trenutku obnavljala i sama Poljska. No poljska je javnost bila upoznata s djelatnošću glavnih slovenskih, hrvatskih i srpskih političara, bili su joj poznati problemi njihove borbe s Talijanima oko granica, a izražavane su i bojazni o jedinstvu države katolika, pravoslavaca i muslimana. Nije favorizirana nijedna strana. Često su se koristili pojmovi Jugoslavija i Jugoslaveni, i to još i prije negoli je došlo do ujedinjenja Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba. ; Public opinion in Poland was much interested in the developments concerning the South Slavs in the final phase of World War I. Poland was still partitioned at that time, so there was no Polish national press. However, Polish newspapers and periodicals published under Russian, German, and Austro-Hungarian administration, as well as those published in already independent Poland, welcomed the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as the realisation of the natural law of small nations to independence and thus cheered the efforts of the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs to build their own state. There were more absorbing issues at the time, with Poland herself in the dramatic process of reclaiming independent statehood, and there was no involvement with the South Slavs, so the topic did not make it to the front pages. Nevertheless, public opinion in Poland was well versed in the activity of leading Slovenian, Serbian, and Croatian politicians and the Italian challenge to the negotiation of the borders of the newly-established state. It was also aware of the state's religious heterogeneity—Catholics, Orthodox Christians, and Muslims—as a potential threat to national unity. No particular side was favoured. Even before the unification of the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs in a common state, the nations of Southeastern Europe were often referred to as Yugoslavia and the people as Yugoslavs. Occasionally, news concerning the South Slavs were printed in bold to emphasise the topic's importance to Polish editors and readers.

La tesi di dottorato ivi presentata si pone come obbiettivo la ricostruzione come questo sapere scientifico (la scoperta del cambiamento climatico antropico sostanziata dalla comunità scientifica di 190 paesi) ha influenzato la ricerca, la politica e il discorso pubblico nel nostro paese, l'italia. Il titolo è indicativo quando riassuntivo: Il cambiamento climatico in Italia. Istituzioni scientifiche, politica e discorso pubblico (1988-2012). Esso definisce in maniera puntuale i temi che si tratteranno: una genealogia di fenomeni storici, politici, culturali nati in nuce alla scoperta di questo cambiamento che influenzerà in maniera determinante il modo in cui viviamo, l'ambiente intorno a noi, i modelli di sviluppo, la sicurezza del nostro abitare, la forma delle nostre città. In ogni paese questa complessa scoperta ha avuto impatti differenti, un portato differente sulla ricerca e sullo sviluppo economico. Quello che in queste pagine si tenta di analizzare è come l'Italia ha assimilato il discorso del cambiamento climatico , in continua evoluzione date le sue infinite ramificazioni, e come ha reagito a livello politico e di ricerca. ; How we have started talking about climate change? How policies has been shaped? How research has forced institutions and policy makers to act to cut greenhouse emission? The aim of this PhD dissertation is to trace the genealogy of the issue of climate change in Italy, in research institutions, politics and the public discourse. The author will analyze how research on anthropic climate change- related topics has arise, what measure has been taken from italian politicians, what role newspapers have played in forming the public opinion, which role has played the civil society in stressing the relevance of this phenomena. In particular the thesis use the archive of Umberto Colombo, president of ENEA, ministerial documents, and newspapers' archive, to reconstruct the history of science, politics and public discourse from 1998 to 2012. ; No Avalaible

Questa ricerca indaga come il "caso Ustica" si è articolato nell'opinione pubblica italiana negli anni compresi tra il 1980 e il 1992. Con l'espressione "caso Ustica" ci si riferisce al problema politico determinato dalle vicende legate all'abbattimento dell'aereo civile DC-9 dell'Itavia, avvenuto il 27 giugno 1980 in circostanze che, come noto, furono chiarite solamente a distanza di molti anni dal fatto. L'analisi intende cogliere le specificità del processo che ha portato la vicenda di Ustica ad acquisire rilevanza politica nell'ambito della sfera pubblica italiana, in particolare prendendo in considerazione il ruolo svolto dall'opinione pubblica in un decennio, quale quello degli anni '80 e dei primi anni '90 italiani, caratterizzato da una nuova centralità dei media rispetto alla sfera politica. Attraverso l'analisi di un'ampia selezione di fonti a stampa (circa 1500 articoli dei principali quotidiani italiani e circa 700 articoli tratti dagli organi dei partiti politici italiani) si sono pertanto messe in luce le dinamiche mediatiche e politiche che hanno portato alla tematizzazione di una vicenda che era rimasta fino al 1986 totalmente assente dall'agenda politica nazionale. L'analisi delle fonti giudiziarie ha permesso inoltre di verificare come la politicizzazione del caso Ustica, costruita intorno alla tensione opacità/trasparenza del potere politico e all'efficace quanto banalizzante paradigma delle "stragi di Stato", sia risultata funzionale al raggiungimento, dopo il 1990, dei primi elementi di verità sulla tragedia e all'ampiamento del caso a una dimensione internazionale. ; This research investigates how the "Ustica case" developed in the Italian public opinion between 1980 and 1992. The term "Ustica case" refers to the political problem determined by the vicissitudes of slaughter happened to the civil place DC-9 Itavia, which occurred June the 27th 1980 in circumstances which, as noted, were clarified only after many years after the fact. The analysis is intended to capture the specificity of the process that led to the events of Ustica to acquire political relevance in the context of the Italian public sphere, in particular taking into account the role played by public opinion in a decade, such as that of the '80s and early 90s in Italy, characterized by a new centrality of the media with respect to the political sphere. Through the analysis of a wide selection of printed sources (about 1500 items of the main Italian newspapers and about 700 articles taken from the organs of Italian political parties) have therefore highlighted the media and political dynamics that led to the theming of an issue that had remained until 1986 completely absent from national politics agenda. The analysis of judicial sources also allowed to check how the politicization of the "Ustica case", built around the tension opacity / transparency of political power and around effective as trivializing paradigm of "massacres of State", is found at the achievement, after 1990, of the first elements of truth about the tragedy and of the widening of the issue to an international dimension.

Na stajališta hrvatskih građana o Europskoj uniji te ishod budućeg referenduma o ulasku Republike Hrvatske u tu zajednicu, izravno će utjecati njihova percepcija Europske unije. Istražujući percepciju Europske unije u hrvatskoj javnosti možemo prepoznati sporne točke u odnosu EU-Hrvatska, naslutiti razloge pada potpore hrvatskih građana ulasku Hrvatske u Europsku uniju te ujedno razumjeti mogućnosti promjene te percepcije. Analizirajući odnose između Hrvatske i Europe posljednja dva desetljeća, autor uočava temelje današnje percepcije Europske unije u odnosima Hrvatske i Europe prilikom raspada Jugoslavije 1991. i stvaranja Republike Hrvatske. Današnja percepcija Europske unije, naime, uvjetovana je ne samo konkretnim očekivanjima (koristima i štetama) u aspektima društvenog i gospodarskog života, već i općim dojmovima građana o EU-u te odnosom Europe prema Hrvatskoj. Istraživanje otkriva kako je razina očekivanja, odnosno nada i strahova te stereotipa o Europskoj uniji uvjetovana i nedovoljnom razinom informiranosti građana o različitim aspektima funkcioniranja Europske unije. ; Attitudes of Croatian citizens towards the European Union and the outcome of the future referendum on the entry of the Republic of Croatia into this Community will be directly infl uenced by their perception of the European Union. By examining the perception of the European Union among the Croatian public, we can identify sticking points in the relationship between the European Union and Croatia, identify the causes of the decline of support of Croatian citizens for the entry of Croatia into the European Union and understand the possibility of changing this perception. Through an analysis of the relations between Croatia and Europe during the last two decades, the author notes the foundations of today's perception of the European Union in the relations between Croatia and Europe during the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 and the creation of the Republic of Croatia. Today's perception of the European Union is determined not only by ...

Ovaj rad bavi se važnošću "znanja" i "pristupa informacijama" u formiranju mišljenja mladih građana o pojedinim temama kroz deliberativne procedure. Deliberativna demokracija, kao demokratski model i demokratska procedura koja dopušta sudionicima uključivanje u racionalan i otvoren dijalog prije odlučivanja o određenoj temi, teorijski je okvir na kojem se temelji istraživanje predstavljeno u ovom radu. Empirijski dio našeg rada temelji se na deliberativnom događaju koji se odvio u listopadu 2014. na instituciji za visoko obrazovanje Western Macedonia University of Applied Sciences u Grčkoj. Tema deliberacije bila je "Anketna istraživanja javnog mnijenja o politici". Rezultati ovog istraživanja potvrđuju tezu iz relevantne literature koja naglašava kako deliberativne procedure obogaćuju znanje građana i tako im omogućavaju da učinkovito sudjeluju u procesu donošenja odluka. ; This paper addresses the importance of "knowledge" and "access to information" in the formation of young citizens' opinion through deliberative procedures. The research presented in this paper is grounded in the theoretical framework of deliberative democracy as a democratic model and procedure that allows participants to be engaged in a rational and open dialogue before deciding on a particular issue. Our research draws empirically upon a deliberative event that took place in October 2014 at the Western Macedonia University of Applied Sciences in Greece. The topic of deliberation was "Political Public Opinion Polls." The results of this study are commensurate with the dominant thesis in the relevant literature, which underlines that the deliberative procedure enriches the knowledge of citizens and thus enables them to participate effectively in the decision making process.

It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to ‎what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence‎ on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering ‎the research question the author analize the role of minority parties ‎in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are ‎the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three ‎minority groups who have established National Minority Council,‎ there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case‎ studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities‎ play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field ‎of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties,‎ as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural ‎autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored.‎ The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural ‎autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' ‎parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of‎ political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish‎ main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In ‎following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development ‎with special emphasis on their position in political and party‎ system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning‎ of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation ‎in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first ‎parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the ‎campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness ‎of the decision-making process.‎

The essay analyses David Hume's political epistemology by focusing on the issue of "general opinion" in its relationship with the questions of political obligation and of the production and infraction of order. Opinion emerges as the keystone of a new conception of politics in which a communicative vision of society redefines both the tasks of government and the concept of order. While government is supposed to protect order, it results in facts as its product.

The article analyses the legal treatment of animals used in scientific research in the constitutional perspective of the balance between the needs of man and those of animal welfare. The evolution of "animal dignity" is then reconstructed and the proposals for amending Italian Constitution are analysed. The article focuses on the evolution of the Italian regulation on animal experimentation, paying attention to the influence of public opinion on the development of legislation. Finally, a different perspective is proposed to the balance between research and care of animals, assuming the compatibility of them from the perspective of greater reliability of an experiment respectful of animal welfare.

In this article, we present the results of a deliberative polling experiment conducted in March 2007 with a sample of inhabitants of the province of Turin on two issues: the high-speed train connecting France to Italy (TAV) and the right to vote for legal non-EU immigrants in local elections. Following the standard design of deliberative poll, we report several aggregate and individual changes in attitudes. Changes in level of information and policy preferences were significant, but more limited than in comparable local deliberative polls. However, the experiment revealed another, different, set of changes in the normative and cognitive beliefs related to the legitimacy and technical merit of the arguments held by those whose ideas the respondents do not share. In particular, the views that were contrary to the prevalent climate of opinion were perceived, after the experiment, as more legitimate and more grounded in significant empirical or normative arguments than before. These results point to the importance of a deliberative environment that allows for a balanced and egalitarian discussion in which opposing arguments can be assessed and the implications of different alternatives explored in greater detail. Such an environment encourages dialogue between majority and minority over controversial issues and it fosters mutual respect among opposing parties and greater understanding of opposing views and arguments.

Ovaj rad pruža dokaze koji govore u prilog tome da društveni mediji omogućavaju javnu deliberaciju, što je u suprotnosti s hipotezom koja naglašava dominaciju učinka "eho-komore". Rad se bavi konverzacijskim interakcijama na Twitteru između podupiratelja suprotstavljenih strana u debati o katalonskoj nezavisnosti. Ta tema, o kojoj mišljenja mogu biti snažno polarizirana, upotrijebljena je za studiju slučaja. Istraživanje je provedeno na slučajnom uzorku komunikacija na Twitterovoj platformi za odgovore i uključuje zagovornike i protivnike nezavisnosti. Unatoč tendenciji stvaranja "homofilnih mreža" koje okupljaju ljude sličnih stavova, utvrdili smo da je komunikacija između suprotstavljenih političkih tabora relativno česta. Nadalje, heterogene konverzacije (u kojima se suprotstavljene strane upuštaju u dijalog) značajno su duže nego homogene (u kojima svi sudionici dijele isto mišljenje), što se može smatrati znakom prave deliberacije, utemeljene na racionalnoj razmjeni argumenata između suprotstavljenih perspektiva. ; This article provides evidence in favour of social media serving as facilitators of public deliberation, in contrast with the hypothesis that emphasises the dominance of the "echo chamber" effect. It focuses on conversational interactions on Twitter between supporters from opposite sides in a potentially highly polarised political issue, i.e. the debate on the independence of Catalonia, which is used as a case study. Methodologically we rely on a random sample of communications on the Twitter reply network, involving for and against independence supporters. Remarkably, despite the tendency of forming homophilic networks, we find that communication across political lines is relatively frequent. Furthermore, heterogeneous conversations (where opposing sides are engaged in a dialogue) tend to be significantly longer than homogenous ones (where all participants share the same view), which can be seen as a sign of genuine deliberation based on reasonably exchanging arguments between competing viewpoints.

This essay discusses a special moment in the antimafia history. These are the years 1985-1994, whose main figure is Leoluca Orlando, mayor of Palermo. In that historical period, for the first time, the antimafia's political speech is held by this young leader of the Christian Democracy. Since the post-war period, the party had ruled Palermo and Italy without facing the problem of the fight against the mafia. Since the beginning of the eighties, the opposition forces, in particular the Communist Party and the trade unions, carried on the antimafia fight. With the murder of Piersanti Mattarella, president of the Sicilian Region, and then of Carlo Alberto dalla Chiesa, prefect of Palermo, the Christian Democracy, led in Sicily, by Sergio Mattarella (brother of Piersanti), decided to cut off relations with the mafia, in particular with Vito Ciancimino, former mayor-mafia of Palermo. The experience of Orlando is first of all the consequence of that policy and then of a national clash, for the government leadership, between Christian Democracy and the Socialist Party. However, with the end of the First Republic in 1994, antimafia was no longer the main ground for confrontation between political forces involved in contending the municipality of Palermo.

In light of contemporary Chinese political discourse on the function and role of the media in the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and public opinion, this study will describe a few relevant characteristics of the Chinese media system, with a special focus on the daily press published in English. It will show that political ties in which news production is embedded in China influence content and language even when the information is ostensibly targeted at an international public. Finally, it will discuss some examples derived from Xinhua News Agency reports on an important anti-corruption case in order to trace the cultural mediation strategies enacted by the journalists to adapt the texts to an international public. The attempt to conform to the tastes and needs of the global public opinion without betraying the country's political specificity could be interpreted as the result of journalists' effort to strengthen Chinese discourse power, offering a broader range of publications and giving increasing attention to internationalisation, while promoting a positive representation of China worldwide.

L'articolo presenta un'intervista a Luigi Ceccarini sullo stato, la funzione e l'utilizzo del sondaggio demoscopico nella politica italiana. Ceccarini è membro fondatore di LaPolis, Laboratorio di Studi politici e sociali presso l'Università di Urbino, dove insegna "Metodi e tecniche di analisi della domanda sociale e politica". Nell'intervista, oltre a fare chiarezza rispetto a cosa sia (e cosa non sia) il sondaggio d'opinione, all'utilizzo corretto e scorretto dei sondaggi da parte dei principali attori politici italiani, Ceccarini discute rispetto agli apporti che l'analisi delle conversazioni sui social media può portare allo studio dell'opinione pubblica. In questo senso il ricercatore mette in guardia soprattutto dai rischi di distorsione che può portare l'erronea generalizzazione dei dati relativi agli utenti dei social media alla popolazione nazionale. An interview with Luigi Ceccarini on the uses of public opinion polls in Italian politics. Ceccarini is a founding member of "LaPolis, Laboratorio di Studi politici e Sociali" at the University of Urbino where he teaches Methods for Social and Political Sciences Research. In the interview Ceccarini clarifies what public opinion polling is about and how Italian political actors use and mis-use them. In the interview Ceccarini also discusses benefits and risks that the newborn analysis of conversations on social media introduces in in the study of public opinion.

Afghanistan's destiny has never appeared to western public opinion so tragically connected to its past experiences as it is today. The collapse of the Afghan regime that safeguarded Western interests has laid bare its various roles: multiplier of dependence, war factory, impunity guarantor, impassable border. But the West doesn't consist only of institutions and governments: the civil society plays its own role, raises contradictions, and creates opportunities for exchange. ; Afghanistan's destiny has never appeared to western public opinion so tragically connected to its past experiences as it is today. The collapse of the Afghan regime that safeguarded Western interests has laid bare its various roles: multiplier of dependence, war factory, impunity guarantor, impassable border. But the West doesn't consist only of institutions and governments: the civil society plays its own role, raises contradictions, and creates opportunities for exchange.