Suchergebnisse

В данной статье политическая журналистика рассматривается как одна из сфер современной журналистики. Автор представляет различные подходы в освещении политических событий в контексте объективности предоставляемой населению информации. Проводится анализ того, какие факторы влияют на стиль и способы предоставления материала широкой аудитории.

The research was focused on the political identity dynamics of the Japanese people through their attitude towards specific political issues, concepts, and doctrines, through ideas about the role of their country in the world, their attitude to "constituent Others" and their military history, as well as the analysis of differences between identities at the macro and micro levels during the emergence of the official course towards transforming Japan into a "normal country". The solution to this problem is relevant in regards to Russia building a constructive policy in relation to Japan. The article analyzes a series of special and longitudinal studies characterizing generational change over the past 20 years in order to determine how much Japanese political preferences have changed in reference points that reflect their political identity, and which of these points allow us to identify significant determinants. As a key determinant of these surveys, the authors selected the degree of stability of pacifist self-consciousness, while analyzing the cumulative effect of several major factors in the formation of pacifism as the core of Japanese political identity:

a) the archetypal principle of harmony (wa), expressed in the tendency of the Japanese people to smoothen out potential conflicts and in the outstanding ability to adapt and to adopt, b) the long-term implications of the constructivist paradigm in political rhetoric concerning the problem of national security; c) the impact of pacifist cultural and political discourse; d) the victimization complex that has developed in the wake of the defeat; and e) the absence of a clear perception of military threat in the society. Together, they make us believe that pacifist self-identification has a large margin of stability, and speak to the bifurcation of the current political identity of the Japanese people, which is experiencing a multi-vector pressure of the 'power' strategy of political realism and value-oriented approaches of constructivism. The authors identify the main directions of stratification of the political identity of Japanese society, point to some emerging trends in the realm of ideas on security policy, draw conclusions about the real place and influence of reflection on the Russian-Japanese territorial issue in the structure of Japanese political identity.

Based on the data of all-Russian representative studies conducted within the framework of the international ISSP program in 1992-2019, as well as the 2020 study of the Federal Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the article examines the perception of social inequality by the population, its dynamics, and the role of social mobility as a factor in its differentiation. The authors show that, in terms of the perception of income inequality by the population, the situation resembles the one seen in the 1990s, during a completely different stage of the country's development. The overwhelming majority of Russians today consider income inequality to be unnecessarily high and unfair. Such perceptions and the associated high demand for redistribution do not differ across socio-demographic and socio-economic groups. The experience of social mobility also does not lead to significant differentiation in this respect, and the expected mobility in the medium term is characterized by a weak influence. Only short-term expectations work relatively noticeably in this regard: if they are positive, they reduce the negative perception of income inequality and the demand for redistribution. As for the perception of non-monetary inequalities, normative ideas about their minimization aimed at achieving social justice turn out to be similar in groups with different directions of expected or already completed mobility. Thereby, the perception of both monetary and non-monetary inequalities, as well as requests for their reduction, are formed to a greater extent on the basis of normative ideas about the "proper" structure of society and an assessment of its compliance with the observed reality than on the characteristics of an individual situation, including expected or actual mobility.

The article applies a multidisciplinary approach and investigates the viability of using an integrative characteristic of psychological security to assess macrosocial situation regionally and nationally. The paper is based on the data drawn from European Values Study (EVS). The countries and Russian federal districts were ranged according to the following parameters: subjective well-being, generalized trust, institutional trust, and psychological security. The results suggest that, compared with residents of other EVS member countries, the level of subjective well-being among Russians is extremely low. Only Bulgaria has a lower position. On the other pole of the scale are Switzerland, Iceland and Norway. In terms of generalized trust the list of 30 countries is headed by Denmark, with Albania at the bottom of the list. Unfortunately, Russia cannot be found among the countries with the highest levels of generalized trust. By European standards, Russia has an average level of institutional trust in the list, with Bulgaria at the bottom, and Norway remaining and the top. Of all participant countries, seven have lower levels of psychological security than Russia; Bulgaria and Albania have the lowest standings; the most favorable situation is in Finland and Norway. The study also reveals leaders and outsiders among Russian federal districts and describes strong and weak points of psychological security in Russia.

Since the beginning of the 2000s, subjective well-being of the Russians was growing due to growing incomes and strengthening optimism about the future. However, the worsening economic situation following the crisis in 2008 did not cause the expected fall in subjective well-being rates. One plausible explanation is the growth of national pride. In this paper, it is tested whether or not national pride positively and causally affect happiness and life satisfaction of Russians. Possible compensatory properties of national pride - its hypothetical stronger effect for individuals with low incomes and poor health - are also being investigated. Data: integrated database of the World Values Survey and the European Values Study containing survey data for Russia from 1990 to 2017. Methods: linear regression with instrumental variables. Results: the effect of national pride on subjective well-being is positive and statistically significant (β = 0.26, p-value <0.001), the effect persists while using instrumental variables (β = 0.92, p-value <0.001); the effect is stronger in the period after 2008, as well as for people with low incomes.

The communication rights enshrined in Part 1 of Article 5 of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany — freedom of expression, freedom of informa-tion, press, broadcasting, and cinema (Kommunikationsgrundrechte) are of constitu-tive importance for German democracy, since the process of forming of public opinion, which is important for the functioning of democratic institutions, depends on the level of their guarantee. At the same time, due to the special persuasiveness of the audiovi-sual form of information presentation, broadcasting is the most significant means of influence. Public service broadcasting (öffentlich- rechtlicher Rundfunk) is central to the German broadcasting system, while the role of private broadcasters is secondary. The decisive importance of public broadcasting in shaping the political opinion of Ger-man citizens presupposes the existence of sufficient and effective constitutional and legal guarantees that exclude the instrumentalization of this institution by the state, industry, and other influential public groups. The article, taking into account the historical con-text and using examples from the legislation and practice of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany, analyzes these guarantees, and also describes the basic constitutional and legal principles of the functioning of the broadcasting system in Germany. As a conclusion, a set of the basic essential characteristics of the German model of public broadcasting is fixed, which might be used for further critical consideration of this institution.

The author describes his 50 years of experience in studying public opinion in America, the Soviet Union and Russia. This includes research at the Institute of American and Canadian Studies of American mass consciousness, the study of Americans' attitudes towards economic and social problems, Soviet-American relations; and collaboration with leading American public opinion polling centers — the Gallup Institute, the University of Michigan, National Opinion Research Center in Chicago, studying the work of the L. Harris and M. Field polling services, the CBS-New York Times, ABC-Washington Post centers, the polling organizations of the Democratic and Republican parties, presidential advisors on public opinion. The author implemented his American experience in organizing the study of public opinion in the USSR and then in Russia when creating the Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VCIOM), the Center for Studying Public Opinion of the Presidential Administration of Boris Yeltsin, the Agency for Regional Political Research, and other survey centers. Analyzed is the use of sociological surveys in Boris Yeltsin's presidential election campaign in 1996. The author has conducted several joint Soviet/Russian-American public opinion studies: "Television and society", "Soviet and American children on the threat of war", "National problems of Russia". The author describes his experience in communicating with leading American and Russian experts in the study of public opinion — G. Gallup, L. Harris, Yu.A. Zamoshkin, B.A. Grushin.