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In this chapter, the author examines the different types of research methodology used in public opinion research, what is being measured in public opinion research -- behavior, knowledge, & views, & distinguishes between opinions, attitudes, & values. References. D. Miller

Assesses the state of the scholarship on gender & politics, focusing on US elite & mass political behavior & public opinion, arguing that the field stands at a turning point given the conceptualizations, methodological tools, cumulative knowledge, & sets of questions to address, along with the theory & method of other fields. Key issues of conceptual development & method are considered: studying categories in an individualistic discipline, linking life spaces, & building truly comparative analyses. Central to this is a discussion on the definition of gender. Following a look at institutional analysis & the gaps such inquiry leaves, attention turns to the questions, approaches, & evidence in the literature on social movements, public opinion, participation, candidates, & policymakers. Expectations for gender scholars in political science are delineated. J. Zendejas

As Yugoslavia disintegrated in the 1990s, strong political pressures buffeted the Clinton administration. Daily images of death & destruction fueled public sentiment for the administration to "do something" to end the deepening violence & ethnic cleansing in Bosnia. The White House chose to steer a middle course, trying to satisfy a public that wanted the administration to take action, but with memories of the ill-fated U.S. intervention in Somalia still strong, did not want to commit U.S. ground forces. 1 Map.

The examination of the relationship between public opinion, political socialization, & regime stability in post-1950 Venezuela addresses four puzzles to argue that the policies of political socialization received by President Chavez have consolidate the negative images that most Venezuelans held of Punto Fijo democracy. The highly centralized power of the Punto Fijo regime reserved the exercise of power for party executives, the president, high-level bureaucrats, & congressional leaders. After 16 years of frustrating delays in implementing reforms, the regime unraveled due to the effects of changes in oil policy implemented in 1973-74. Analysis of key forces shaping the oil industry through 2020 are related to political views that identify attitude at the overwhelming majority of the time had come to gambling on voting for the candidate most hostile to the existing state of affairs. The legacy of the Punto Fijo democracy was a political socialization process that helped to fix democracy is a basic orientation to the Venezuelan people. This legacy was reflected in the revocatory referendum to recall President Chavez as evidence that democratic norms continue to orient political behavior as Venezuelans seek to craft new political institutions & process. Tables, Figures. J. Harwell

The cultural values of sundry nations (N = 75) are compared to determine whether Samuel Huntington's (1996) class of civilizations theory is capable of accounting for cultural differences between countries. An overview of Huntington's three central assertions, eg, cultural values in disparate societies are the products of long-established traditions representative of a larger, broader civilization, is presented. Consequently, it is claimed that if Huntington's theory is valid, then differences in political values between Western & Islamic societies would function as the strongest clash between civilizations. Data collected in the 1995-2001 waves of the World Values Survey that measured different societies' attitudes toward Muslim values were analyzed to evaluate Huntington's multifaceted theory. Several findings are reported: minimal differences between Western & Islamic societies' political values emerged; support for religious authority in Islamic societies was stronger than such support in Western nations; & differences in Western & Islamic societies' attitudes toward gender equality & sexual liberalization were more severe than any other measure of difference. Consequently, it is concluded that the study challenges Huntington's thesis since attitudes toward sexuality & gender equity, not political values, are the strongest differences between Western & Islamic societies. 6 Tables, 5 Figures, 1 Appendix, 30 References. J. W. Parker

Tests the theory that the end of the Cold War created a fundamental shift in public opinion concerning international peace & security. Data on public opinion from the Netherlands are analyzed to determine if the structure of public opinion, the larger political process, & the role of the media have changed. Attention is given to some studies in other countries as well. It is concluded that major post-Cold War changes in the international system did not change opinions concerning the necessity & legitimacy of maintaining armed forces, although some of their tasks, mission, & structures might be questioned. Neopacifists & neointerventionists have shifted the discourse. While the use of force for internationalist goals is morally attractive, the incidence of numerous casualties may lose public support for the intervention. Adaptations & conversion is needed for military instruments to adapt to counter security risks. Public opinion does not actively seek this adjustment, but seems to accept its sensibility. L. A. Hoffman

Investigates NJ public opinion toward immigrants & their perceived impacts, drawing on 1994 telephone interview data from 1,201 randomly selected residents. Approximately 50% indicated that they were satisfied by the immigrant level, while 40% believed measures should be taken to reduce the number. Respondents expressed anxiety about jobs for residents as a primary reason for wanting to reduce the number of immigrants, followed by concerns about higher taxes & overcrowding. Older, less educated, urban, & Catholic residents were less likely to be tolerant of immigrants, while individuals who were younger, married, &/or members of minority groups were likely to be more tolerant. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 59 References. D. M. Smith

Explores whether public opinion actually influences US foreign policy. Research has shown that policymakers sometimes make decisions based on misperceptions of public opinion. A research project was conducted to link US foreign policy in the 1990s with public opinion trends. Such policies as the disengagement from foreign affairs, closing US embassies, cutting foreign aid, failing to pay UN dues, & resisting cooperation in peacekeeping operations, while keeping defense spending high was thought to be the result of public opinion. Eighty-three members of the foreign policy community, including members of Congress & executive-branch officials, journalists, & members of nongovernmental organizations, were interviewed concerning their perceptions of public attitudes concerning the US role in foreign affairs. Existing polling data were then reviewed to determine whether policymakers had correctly understood public opinion. A substantial gap in perception & reality was discovered. The book, Misreading the Public: The Myth of a New Isolationism (Kull & Destler 1999) gives a thorough analysis of this study. L. A. Hoffman

The emergence of online reader comments over the past years has made opinions of readers more visible to journalists and users of news websites. This article discusses whether online reader comments provide a representative picture of the opinion of news site users and how this affects the perceived public opinion. Findings of an online survey among the users of eight Swiss newspapers indicate that comments are not representative since people who write comments tend to differ from those reading the comments with respect to gender, age, and political orientation. Of special interest is the finding that those writing comments tend to be politically further right than those reading comments and that "rightists" are writing more frequently. However, readers of the comments are not aware of this bias, leading to a systematically distorted perception of public opinion. Different types of regulation are discussed with respect to their acceptance as well as their potential impact on comments.

Examines evaluations of European integration, knowledge of European Union politics & institutions, & mass political behavior as evidenced by voting in European Parliament elections. Although European integration began as an elitist project that excluded the opinions of the European public, since 1990 it has been evident that public opinion is directly affecting the politics of European integration. Evidence continues to point to a decline in support for integration, which is matched by about an equal level of indifference. This evidence points to the fragility of the past "permissive consensus" (Lindberg & Scheingold 1970). Joseph Nye (1971) suggested that integration needed "politicization," the "broadening of the arena of participants," in order to legitimize decision making. However, integration may be imperiled by premature politicization before supportive attitudes have been established. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix. L. A. Hoffman

The author argues that the Framers of the Constitution & other early national leaders were capable -- in a way that has never since been replicated in American history -- of living mutually in the world of ideas & ideals as well as that of political realities. However, it does us no good simply to wonder at their talent & intellect, he argues. Rather, we should try to understand what allowed them to balance public life & private intellect so that we might try to emulate that balance in our own lives. He suggests that the centrality of writing to their lives -- & the fact that they believed that they needed only to appeal to rational readers and not to the masses -- was part of what allowed them to achieve this balance. This balance also arose from the fact that they saw themselves organically linked to everyone else in their society -- something that politicians no longer feel, and one of the primary reasons why politicians are no longer public intellectuals. D. Knaff