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Blockchain is a new information technology that can be used in many areas of human activity. The fi rst and most famous example of the use of blockchain technology is the Bitcoin cryptocurrency. Today, cryptocurrency has transformed into a publicly recognized means of payment, a virtual currency that is accepted by large and small enterprises, corporations and services. Today, they conduct research and implement a number of projects using Blockchain technology in such areas as healthcare, media, electronic voting, fi le storage, smart contracts, insurance, the public sector (issuing passports, collecting taxes, registering land plots), etc. The IBM Corporation is researching Blockchain technology and is working on the creation of software, with the help of which partners will be able to conclude digital contracts that will be recorded in the global network. IBM is also implementing a project called Adept, which aims to track network-connected devices using Blockchain technology. The purpose of this article is to study the directions of using Blockchain in public policy.

Despite rather big globalization penetrating itself a huge layer of the public relations, the world remains a wide variety of cultural and national peculiarities, moral and ethical values inherent in any society. However, the unification process not always positively affects the public order and the valuable sphere which developed in the concrete country. Strengthening of the economic relations between the states directly influences also the legal sphere where foreign norms stick into the domestic legislation and respectively involuntarily impose behaviour model which contradicts law and order of this country by means of the norms. Any sovereign state will not allow the existence of the destroying norms of the foreign state within the boundaries of their jurisdiction because they have unique legislation. The Institute of the public order must serve as a mainstay from foreign norms, capable to harm to public order in the country. The article discussed the nature, value and role of the public policy clause. Identified the lack of a unified concept of the 'public order' considered its components sigh. Came to the conclusion that the value of the reservation of the public orders as a fundamental principle is one of the manifestations of state sovereignty.

Process of definition of the category 'public policy' is debatable in political science and is interfaced to a number of methodological and semantic difficulties. Two main tendencies in interpretation of the designated category are allocated: the first tendency is connected with philosophical and axiological representations about 'public', the second reflects subject and practical understanding of public policy. Philosophical basis of considered concept is the spatial concept (public space, a public field, the public sphere). The second tendency in understanding of public policy as activity (subject and practical) category is connected with Anglo­Saxon tradition within policy sciences paradigm. Scientists on the former Soviet Union adapt conceptual sense of public policy on the basis of that experience of the state and cultural and valuable changes which is available in their national contexts. The main problem, in this case, is that the above categories donot correspond to the contents in the conditions of transitional systems. ; Процесс определения категории «публичная политика» является в политической науке дискуссионным и сопряжен с рядом методологических и семантических трудностей. Выделяются две главные тенденции в интерпретировании обозначенной категории: первая тенденция связана с философско­аксиологическими представлениями о «публичном», вторая отражает предметно­практическое понимание публичной политики. Философской основой рассматриваемого понятия является пространственный концепт (публичное пространство, публичное поле, публичная сфера). Вторая тенденция в понимании публичной политики как деятельностной (предметно­практической) категории связана с англо­саксонской традицией в рамках парадигмы policy sciences. Ученые на постсоветском пространстве адаптируют понятийный смысл публичной политики на основании того опыта государственных и культурно­ценностных изменений, который имеется в их национальных контекстах. Главная проблема, в данном случае, заключается в том, что вышеуказанные категории не соответствуют своему содержанию в условиях переходных систем. ; Процесс определения категории «публичная политика» является в политической науке дискуссионным и сопряжен с рядом методологических и семантических трудностей. Выделяются две главные тенденции в интерпретировании обозначенной категории: первая тенденция связана с философско­аксиологическими представлениями о «публичном», вторая отражает предметно­практическое понимание публичной политики. Философской основой рассматриваемого понятия является пространственный концепт (публичное пространство, публичное поле, публичная сфера). Вторая тенденция в понимании публичной политики как деятельностной (предметно­практической) категории связана с англо­саксонской традицией в рамках парадигмы policy sciences. Ученые на постсоветском пространстве адаптируют понятийный смысл публичной политики на основании того опыта государственных и культурно­ценностных изменений, который имеется в их национальных контекстах. Главная проблема, в данном случае, заключается в том, что вышеуказанные категории не соответствуют своему содержанию в условиях переходных систем.

SARS-CoV-2 pandemic caused dramatic impact on social life and medical care. Anti-COVID-19 highly ideological public policy measures, such as lockdowns, switching off economies, closing borders, casting off dissentaneous medical experts from media sphere, chastising public disobedience to newly introduced undemocratic rules etc., were told to be introduced to curb the virus spread. Their role in curbing SARS-CoV-2 pandemic is still dubious. Instead, they provoked public panic and partially caused healthcare crises in many countries, including Russia. Healthcare systems of most countries of the world were unprepared to such enormous stress. However, considerable threat to medical care was represented not by the SARS-CoV-2 pathogen itself, but by the consequences of the situation when the public policy struggle with the virus was transferred to the ideological field. Public policy initially proposed by the majority of countries was defective and abusive towards the majority of population, including medical workers. Governments and media created the universal ideological narration of the virus deadliness without statistical evidence. This deadliness must have been overcome only by the collective obedience to governmental power structures with forswearing many constitutional civil rights. Those people who accepted the ideology uncritically and declared themselves "needy" and incapable of working due to the pandemic, were favoured by public policy steps, e.g. they might have been given government subsidies, alms and assistance. Those who questioned consistency of governmental steps or even opposed them, were punished and sometimes deprived their constitutional and democratic rights farther, including medical care specialists. Not professional qualities of clinicians and medical personnel were key factors of this "carrot and whip" policy, but unquestioning adherence to the dominant ideology, even in the states whose governments call themselves democratic. This was also true for Russia, especially Moscow. The ...

The agroecology does not yet provide tools and analysis criteria to develop local and regional strategies, where political and institutional aspects play a key role. This article aims to contribute to overcoming these deficiencies by the theoretical foundation of how it should be Agroecology involved in politics. Family farming is the subject. It is through her that already develops agroecology, getting a transition from the model of traditional agriculture, which provides food security for an alternative model. First, it is argued that, as a socio-ecological construction, agro-ecosystems is the product of power relations. Secondly, it shows the close relationship that the dynamics of agro-ecosystems have with politics and therefore the important role they occupy in agroecological transition. Currently you can see that there is very little reflection on the politics of Agroecology. However, the range of agroecological movements and experiences that are held at different levels of both local and regional governments advise the development of political aspects of agro-ecological theory. Finally, a diagnosis attempted under the situation of global food system, in which the context of agroecological experiments must be developed.

With the theme arrangements for Brazilian municipalities in the field of public policy and education management from the late 1980s, this article is the result of bibliographic and documental study, seeks to map/describe the changes regarding the role of municipalities in the definition of public policies and management education in their territories, forged from the late 1980s to the early twenty-first century, particularly by the context of political liberalization; by the rules; by acts of the National Council of Education; for programs, projects and activities of federal governments; and actions of entities linked by the municipal education. The literature, the paper reports that in the history of Brazilian education, content of municipal autonomy does not remain uniform. In the late 1980s, education, municipalities experience assignments education system. In the 1990s, at least formally, the emphasis and technical guidance turn to the actual process of institutionalization of municipal systems of education / teaching and the need to address the efficiency of municipal systems. In the 2000s, continuing educational programs to support municipalities and is strengthened defense Contribution System, for the establishment of municipal systems of education/teaching. However, problems persist and historical weaknesses with the performance of these federal spheres institutionalization of municipal education and, therefore, to guarantee the right to education.

The tendency to reduce electoral activity is one of the acute problems in the sphere of political relations. This trend can be observed not only in the countries of the new, but also in the "old" democracy. Models of economic and political behavior are changing with the development of the information society. People spend more and more time in social networks, plunging into virtual reality, going away from problems of social reality or first-order reality. The problem of using Internet memes in election companies is studied here. This phenomenon has emerged relatively recently and represents a new tendency in modern politics. The main ideas of the theory of memes and the practice of their use in modern politics are briefly described in the article. ; В сфере политических отношений одной из острых проблем является тенденция к снижению электоральной активности. Эта тенденция наблюдается в странах не только новой, но и «старой» демократии. В условиях развития информационного общества меняются модели экономического и политического поведения. Люди все больше времени проводят в социальных сетях, погружаясь в виртуальную реальность, абстрагируясь от проблем социальной действительности или реальности первого порядка. В статье рассматривается проблема использования интернет-мемов в избирательных компаниях. Данная тенденция возникла относительно недавно и представляет собой новый тренд в современной политике. Кратко изложены основные идеи теории мемов и прослежена практика их использования в современной политике.

The third and final article of the three-part series of articles «Artificial intelligence in the economy and politics of our time» (the first and second articles of the series were published in the fourth and fifth issues of the journal for this year, respectively) presents the results of a study of the goals, motivations and specifics of the adoption of national strategies to support the development of artificial intelligence in different countries. It is shown that such a strategy in Russia is based on the idea of the most important role of using artificial intelligence in solving the most complex economic, social, and military-political problems of the country. Differences in conceptual approaches to the development of research and practical use of artificial intelligence developments in the national strategies of the largest countries of the world — the United States, China and India.

The article considers the problems in change of the content and character of public policy because of distribution of modern information technologies. The author includes of some functions of traditional media, and also necessity of formation of qualitatively new forms of socio-political interaction at the basis of horizontal network communications on the list of such problems. According to the author, Public Policy Online became today an objective reality, and thus demands respectful attention of the basic participants of modern political process. Formation of political resonance is an important element of modern Online-publicity and creates essentially new possibilities for the state's policy-making of in modern conditions. ; В статье автором рассматриваются проблемы изменения содержания и характера публичной политики вследствие распространения современных информационных технологий. В число таких проблем автор включает исчерпание ряда функций традиционных медиа, а также необходимость формирования качественно новых форм социально-политического взаимодействия на базе горизонтальных сетевых связей. По мнению автора, публичная политика Online стала сегодня объективной реальностью и требует к себе соответствующего внимания основных участников современного политического процесса. Формирование политических резонансов является важным элементом современной Online-публичности и создает принципиально новые возможности для формирования политики государства в современных условиях.

The subject of the study is the current model of formation and implementation of public policy in Russia. The purpose of this article is to analyze and develop a detailed description of the main distinguishing features of this model and to identify the factors that caused them. At the same time the author focuses on the political and cultural factor as the fundamental basis of the national model of public policy in any country. Among other components of the national model of public policy the institutional center for the adoption of political decisions, the features of the system of representation of interests, and the technology for making political decisions are singled out. Primary data were obtained as a result of an in-depth expert questionnaire as well as a focus-group interview.The article gives a detailed description of the Russian political culture, especially the perception by citizens of the main institutions of the political system (the state and its key institutions, political parties, socio-political organizations, etc.). At the same time, the author relies both on the results of previous studies in this area and on the latest data from Russian Public Opinion Research Center. The analysis of the peculiarities of citizens' perception of the main political institutions made it possible to draw a conclusion about their direct connection with the specifics of the domestic system of political representation.The main theoretical result of the research is to substantiate the author's approach to public policy research. It is proved that the public policy should be interpreted as the result of interaction of the state, civil society institutions, scientific, expert and business community with the decisive role of the former. No less important research result is the substantiation of the author's understanding of the national model of public policy, its structure and features of manifestation in modern Russia. The practical significance of the results is due to the possibility of their use in the development of concepts, strategies and doctrines of public policy in various fields, as well as policy documents of political parties and other socio-political organizations. ; Предметом исследования выступает сложившаяся в настоящее время в России модель формирования и реализации государственной политики. Целью настоящей статьи является анализ и развернутая характеристика основных отличительных черт указанной модели и выявление факторов, их обусловивших. При этом основное внимание автор уделил политико-культурному фактору, как фундаментальной основе национальной модели государственной политики в любой стране. В числе иных составляющих национальной модели государственной политики выделяют институциональный центр принятия политических решений, особенности системы представительства интересов, и технологии принятия политических решений. Первичные данные получены в результате заочного экспертного анкетирования, а также фокус-группового интервью.В статье дана развернутая характеристика российской политической культуры, в особенности восприятия гражданами основных институтов политической системы (государства и его ключевых институтов, политических партий, общественно-политических организаций и т. д.). При этом автор опирался как на результаты ранее проведенных исследований в указанной области, так и на последние данные Всероссийского центра изучения общественного мнения. Анализ особенностей восприятия гражданами основных политических институтов позволил сделать вывод об их прямой связи со спецификой отечественной системы политического представительства.Основной теоретический результат проведенного исследования заключается в обосновании авторского подхода к исследованию государственной политики. Доказано, что государственную политику следует трактовать как результат взаимодействия государства, институтов гражданского общества, научного, экспертного и делового сообщества при решающей роли первого. Не менее важным исследовательским результатом является обоснование авторского понимания национальной модели государственной политики, ее структуры и особенностей проявления в современной России. Практическая значимость полученных результатов обусловлена возможностью их использования при раз-работке концепций, стратегий и доктрин государственной политики в различных областях, а также программных документов политический партий и иных общественно-политических организаций.

This paper analyses the main results of Timemania as a sports public policy based on the efficiency, efficacy and social effectiveness principles. A descriptive-analytical research with qualitative approach was conducted through the analysis of contents from laws and official reports. Results suggest that the Timemania lottery was neither efficacious nor efficient, as it did not achieve the initial goals as to its revenues and debt payment for clubs. Timemania was not effective and did not significantly impact sports development. Finally, it is possible to conclude that Timemania, as a regulatory policy, fulfills the sole role of ensuring financial injection for major Brazilian football clubs. ; O artigo analisa os principais resultados da Timemania como política pública de esporte a partir dos princípios da eficiência, eficácia e efetividade social. Realizou-se uma pesquisa descritivo-analítica, com abordagem qualitativa, a partir da análise de conteúdos de leis e relatórios oficiais. Os resultados indicam que a Timemania não foi eficaz e eficiente, por não atender os objetivos iniciais de arrecadação e pagamento das dívidas dos clubes. A Timemania não foi efetiva e não impactou de forma significativa no desenvolvimento do esporte. Por fim, conclui-se que a Timemania, como uma política regulatória, cumpre o papel apenas de garantir um aporte financeiro para os clubes de futebol de maior destaque no Brasil.

The subject of the study is the policy of the Russian Federation to manage the scientific potential of higher education. The purpose of this article is to identify and characterize the trends in modern public policy in this area. As a basic method of research, a system-dynamic approach to policy research is used that involves the allocation of spatial, temporal and technological components. At the same time, the author focuses on the temporary component of the state policy for managing the scientific potential of higher education, which is revealed through the characterization of various stages of its life cycle. Primary data were obtained as a result of an in-depth expert questionnaire, as well as a focus group interview.The main theoretical result of the study is to substantiate the category "life cycle of public policy", covering such major stages as its formation, implementation and evaluation. It is proved that each stage corresponds to a certain type of assessment of the scientific potential of higher education: factor, performance and final. The article gives an original approach to the research of the life cycle of the state policy on management of the scientific potential of the higher school, the interrelation of its stages and stages of the life cycle of the most scientific potential of the higher school is grounded.The main empirical result of the study is the identification of the main risks in the processes under consideration and an analysis of the specific influences of various public and political organizations on their formation. The practical significance of the results obtained is conditioned by the possibility of their use in the development of the concept of state policy for the development of university science. ; Предметом исследования выступает политика Российской Федерации по управлению научным потенциалом высшей школы. Целью настоящей статьи является выявление и характеристика тенденций современной государственной политики в указанной сфере. В качестве базового метода исследования используется системно-динамический подход к изучению политики, предполагающий выделение пространственного, временного и технологического ее компонентов. При этом основное внимание в рамках настоящей статьи автор уделяет временному компоненту государственной политики по управлению научным потенциалом высшей школы, раскрываемому через характеристику различных стадий ее жизненного цикла. Первичные данные получены в результате заочного экспертного анкетирования, а также фокус-группового интервью.Основной теоретический результат проведенного исследования заключается в обосновании категории «жизненный цикл государственной политики», охватывающий такие главные стадии, как ее формирование, реализация и оценка. Доказано, что каждой из стадий соответствует определенный тип оценки научного потенциала высшей школы: факторная, результативная и итоговая. В статье приводится оригинальный подход к исследованию жизненного цикла государственной политики по управлению научным потенциалом высшей школы, обосновывается взаимосвязь его стадий и стадий жизненного цикла самого научного потенциала высшей школы.Основным эмпирическим результатом исследования является выявление основных рисков в рассматриваемых процессах и анализ особенностей влияния различных общественных и политических организаций на их формирование. Практическая значимость полученных результатов обусловлена возможностью их использования при разработке концепции государственной политики по развитию университетской науки.

From the point of view of critical theory and social criticismo the idea of ​​progress seems to be established in an ambivalence: on the one hand, the postulates of Amy Alllen started an "Aufklärung" of the conception of progress ( which I call the "negative" conception) and its possible unfolding to a critical theory as well as for social criticismo; in contrast, the conception of progress can be understood as a "positive way" in which it is guided by the constitutive scope of a critical theory by embodying, for example, the social justice as a social-normative medium to the process of emancipation. Taking into account the aforementioned assertions, I will take up, in this research, the core of the conception of progress in Amy Allen (1) in order to interpose a "positive" idea. In this sense, I will take as a social-institutional and empirical reference the public policy of the 'Mais IDH' social program (More HDI), which is constituted both as a response to the concept of progress in Amy Allen and as a possible condition for the realization of social justice (understood as the minimum conditions of existence) (2).

Актуальность исследования продиктована необходимостью и важностью изучения изменений в технологии политической риторики, используемой в качестве инструмента манипуляции общественным сознанием. Цель работы - очертить основные контуры современной политической риторики в России, описать то, какую реакцию вызывают риторические уловки в среде экспертов (социологов, политологов, журналистов), и какое отражение такая «языковая игра» находит в обществе. Методы исследования: сравнительный анализ, вторичный анализ данных социологических исследований.Результаты исследования: Перформативность (действенность) речей политических ораторов сегодня является существенным отличием политического дискурса современной России от постперестроечного периода. Контуры публичной политики в современной России проявляются через внутренние феномены - риторические уловки политических лидеров. Это - двоемыслие, рефрейминг, мифологизация. Политическая риторика сегодня выступает как формой выражения политики правящей группы, так и стимулом к конкретным политическим действиям.Выводы: Двоемыслие власти маскирует различные цели, которые в конкретный момент времени выгодны политической элите, по сути, это основа идеологии правящей партии. Двоемыслие власти порождает двоемыслие в обществе. Рефрейминг, или смена фрейма, ведет к тому, что в сегодняшней политике выигрывает тот, у кого фрейм сконструирован наиболее искусно, он выступает носителем смыслового концепта, посредством которого аудитория интерпретирует окружающую политическую, экономическую, социальную действительность. Мифологизация становится одним из нерациональных средств управления обществом. В целом риторические уловки современных российских политиков подрывают доверие в обществе и становятся серьезным препятствием для ведения реального диалога между властью и обществом. ; The study is relevant due to necessity and importance of researching the changes in the technology of political rhetoric used as a tool to manipulate public consciousness. The work aim is to outline the basic contours of contemporary political rhetoric in Russia, to describe what kind of reaction is caused by rhetorical tricks among the experts (sociologists, political scientists, journalists etc.) and to explore the reflection of such a «language game» in society.Methods: comparative analysis, secondary data analysis of sociological research.Results: Performativity (as action) of modern political speeches is a significant difference from the political discourse of Russia of a previous period. Contours of public policy in modern Russia are manifested through internal phenomena, rhetorical tricks of political leaders. Political rhetoric today acts both as a form for expressing the course of the ruling group and as stimulation to specific political actions.Conclusions: The doublethink of the authorities masks different purposes that are beneficial to the political elite at given time, in fact it is the basis of the ruling party ideology. The doublethink of the authorities generates doublethink in the society. Reframing leads to the case that in today's politics wins the one who has the most artfully designed frame, the one acts as the carrier of concept by which the audience interprets the surrounding political, economic and social reality. The mythologizing becomes one of non_rational means of social control. In general, the rhetorical tricks of modern Russian politicians undermine the trust of the society and become a serious obstacle for real dialogue between the authorities and the society