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Public administration practitioners and scholars around the globe are paying considerable attention to the creation of public value and to the health of the public sphere. However, there is little agreement about how to define public value and know if it is being achieved. Some definitions of public value focus on organizational effectiveness, efficiency, and accountability. Other definitions stress going beyond these qualities to also emphasize protecting and enhancing citizen rights and mutual obligations between the public and private sectors to society. This book explores competing visions of public value and what it means to discern, measure, and assess the creation of public value in a world where most major public challenges require contributions from governments, businesses, nonprofit organizations, and communities. In this book, scholars from the US, Europe, and Australia present an overview of major issues and debates focused on the skills, methods, measurements, and processes related to creating public value. This book is essential reading for public administration scholars, students, and practitioners

Neoclassical economists insist that government outlays for administration, defense, & internal security generate pure public goods that benefit all members of the community since they are completely nonrival in consumption; eg, the benefits to one citizen from a battleship in no way prevent others from having similar benefits. Hence, in studies of fiscal incidence, economists allocate all such presumed benefits at their total costs to households by some a priori formula. It is argued that the benefits from so-called pure public goods -- insofar as they exist -- are civilization itself. They are the overhead costs of the modern state, whose benefits are community life, incomes, etc. They do not enter into individual preference functions in the usual manner; allocating them as if they did involves double counting. A better procedure is to ask who pays for these public overhead expenditures, or who pays more in taxes than received in benefits such as transfer payments, food subsidies, schooling, etc. The evidence from studies of fiscal incidence in several countries indicates that the rich -- who also most enjoy the "blessings of civilization" -- generally pay for them. 4 Tables. AA.

In a self-consciously forward looking survey recently published inPS, Glendon Schubert continues to employ the phrase "public law" as roughly synonymous with the legal concerns of political science. The recent publication of Murphy and Tanenhaus'The Study of Public Lawalso reaffirms that, in spite of the movement toward "judicial behavior," which it might have been anticipated would change the boundaries of the field, the "public" in public law is still very much with those political scientists particularly concerned with things legal. There does not seem to me to be any valid reason why political scientists should maintain the public law—private law distinction and then proceed to exclude themselves from the "private" law sphere.

In a self-consciously forward looking survey recently published in PS, Glendon Schubert continues to employ the phrase "public law" as roughly synonymous with the legal concerns of political science. The recent publication of Murphy and Tanenhaus' The Study of Public Law also reaffirms that, in spite of the movement toward "judicial behavior," which it might have been anticipated would change the boundaries of the field, the "public" in public law is still very much with those political scientists particularly concerned with things legal. There does not seem to me to be any valid reason why political scientists should maintain the public law—private law distinction and then proceed to exclude themselves from the "private" law sphere.

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