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The level of influence public discourse has on policy can vary widely. Research has noted that while it is largely dependent on the topic, frequency, and severity of the message, political rhetoric has the potential to sway public opinion and support. Particularly true for crime policy, rhetoric has historically been a strong factor for many countries such as the United States and England often understood as popular punitivism. However, popular punitivism has not been empirically characterized with specific focus given to political discourse, especially in international context. This paper attempts to capture the scope and relationship between rhetoric, political gain, crime policy, and public response in the Netherlands. Using the context of popular punitivism, we analyze rhetoric from three different political outlets (party platforms, coalition agreements, and statements of the throne) and triangulate the codes with passed policies, voter support, and systemic action. Findings suggest that recent rhetoric often exaggerates observed crime in society, consistent with expectations of popular punitivism perspectives. However, such exaggeration does not necessarily correlate with public support and system response patterns. Implications for discourse theory and popular punitivism are discussed.

En Argentina rige el decreto ley 22.278/80 en materia de regulación penal juvenil. Dicho decreto es un resabio de la última dictadura que no fue modificado pese a numerosas iniciativas legislativas que proponen sancionar sistemas o regímenes penales juveniles con estándares de derechos adecuados a la Convención Internacional de los Derechos del Niño (CIDN). La no adecuación coloca al país en flagrante infracción y así fue manifestado en sucesivos informes del Comité de los Derechos del niño. Argentina también fue observada por la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH) por el dictado de sentencias condenatorias a prisión perpetua para quienes cometieron delitos siendo menores de edad, situación de particular gravedad, ya que la mayoría de los países de la región adecuaron sus legislaciones y fijaron topes a penas privativas de la libertad. Al fracaso legislativo, le sigue un punitivismo judicial de hecho. El objetivo del artículo es describir las claves del punitivismo a través del seguimiento de cinco fallos paradigmáticos dictados en los últimos años. ; In Argentina, decree law 22.278 / 80 governs juvenile criminal regulation. This decree is a remnant of the last dictatorship that was not modified despite numerous legislative initiatives that propose sanctioning systems or juvenile criminal regimes with standards of rights appropriate to the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (CIDN). The lack of adaptation places the country in flagrante infraction and this was manifested in successive reports of the Committee on the Rights of the child. Argentina was also observed by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) for the issuance of sentences of life imprisonment for those who committed crimes while minors, a situation of particular seriousness, since most of the countries of the region adapted their laws and they set ceilings to deprivation of liberty. To the legislative failure, it follows a judicial punitivism in fact. The objective of the article is to describe the keys of punitivism through the follow-up of five paradigmatic failures dictated in recent years. ; Na Argentina, o Decreto-lei 22.278 / 80 regra a regulação criminal juvenil. Este decreto é um remanescente da última ditadura não foi alterada apesar das numerosas iniciativas legislativas da juventude proposto criminais sistemas de regimes de sanções ou padrões apropriados para a Convenção Internacional sobre os Direitos da Criança (CDC) direitos. A falta de adaptação coloca o país em flagrante e isso se manifestou em relatórios sucessivos do Comitê dos Direitos da Criança. Argentina também foi observado pela Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH) mediante a emissão de sentenças à prisão perpétua por aqueles que cometeram crimes como os menores, uma situação particularmente grave, uma vez que a maioria dos países da região adaptaram a sua legislação e eles estabelecem tetos para a privação de liberdade. Ao fracasso legislativo, segue-se um punitivismo judicial de fato. O objetivo do artigo é descrever as chaves do punitivismo através do acompanhamento de cinco fracassos paradigmáticos ditados nos últimos anos.

Recent commentary on the punitive turn has focused on the repressive nature of criminal justice policy. Yet, on a marginalised council estate (social housing project) in England, residents appropriate the state in ways that do not always align with the law. What is more, where the state fails to provide residents with the protection they need, residents mobilise informal violence that is condemned by the state. An ethnographic analysis of personalised uses of criminal justice questions the state-centric assumptions of order that have informed recent narratives of the punitive turn. It also calls for a reassessment of the relationship between democratic politics and criminal justice by drawing attention to popular demands that are not captured by a focus on punishment alone.

AbstractThis paper aims to take stock on what we know about popular punitivism and how it manifests across time and social atmosphere. To do this, the recent history and literature of popular punitivism is explored beginning with its tumultuous birth during the 1960s. Specific focus is then given to how debates regarding the punitive turn have become theories of popular punitivism. Recognizing popular punitivism as an important factor in many crime control policies, the paper explains how popular punitivism has acted as a catalyst to current justice practices, associated problems, and the study of crime. Additionally, emphasizing the adaptability of popular punitivism, the paper explains its influence in other contexts and cultures comparatively, especially in a post‐9/11 world. From such contexts I explain the widespread pattern of controlling minority groups in all places where popular punitivism is present. The paper concludes by mapping the areas of future research.

Since 2017, state security forces in Venezuela have been responsible for over 20% of violent deaths in the country. This represents an unprecedented period of state repression in the country's history that demands examination. In this article, we argue that in order to understand the recent increase in violent deaths in Venezuela during the post-Chávez period, we must place at the center of our analysis the discourses and practices of an extremely privileged actor, the state, in the context of the collapse of oil prices. We propose that this upsurge of lethal violence can be understood within the historical process of militarization of citizen security. In the first phase, starting in 2009, we see an increase in carceral punitivism—the hyperreaction of the penal state. In the second, a new stage in militarized raids is launched which, over the years, gave way to a practice of systematic extralegal killings that became the fundamental strategy of social control. These raids represent a necropolitical approach to governance in a context of extreme economic and political crisis.

EE.UU. es una de las democracias con mayores tasas de encarcelamiento del mundo. No obstante, el problema no son sólo las dimensiones de su población penitenciaria -que, en 2010, superó los 7 millones de personas-, sino el enorme incremento de la que esta ha sido objeto en las últimas décadas y su concreto perfil. Según los estudios existentes, el denominado fenómeno de la encarcelación masiva ha recaído con especial virulencia sobre un sector de la población: los hombres jóvenes afroamericanos que residen en grandes ciudades. En este contexto, el objetivo del trabajo es ofrecer una visión actualizada de la política criminal estadounidense, examinando las causas y las consecuencias de la encarcelación masiva, a partir de las contribuciones de los más importantes representantes de la doctrina norteamericana. En este sentido, se examina el debate existente en EE.UU. acerca del papel del componente racial, que para algunos autores equipararía la encarcelación masiva a una nueva forma de segregacionismo. También se analizan con cierto detenimiento algunos problemas surgidos en la ejecución de las penas de prisión, como la violencia sexual en los centros penitenciarios o el abuso del cumplimiento en régimen de aislamiento. El interés de este trabajo en el contexto español es evidente, habida cuenta del rumbo netamente punitivista emprendido por el legislador nacional. Así, la conclusión alcanzada tras el estudio del caso estadounidense es precisamente que las consecuencias de una política criminal punitivista resultan difícilmente asumibles en democracia. ; The United States of America is one of the democracies, which has one of the highest prison populations in the world. The problem is not only a matter of sheer numbers of inmates, but the extreme speed in which the prison population has grown in the last decades, as well as the specific patterns it has followed. According to current studies, this phenomenon, referred to as mass incarceration, has resulted in the systematic imprisonment of whole groups of the population: young black males in large urban centers. In this context, the goal of this work is to provide an updated overview of American criminal policy, further examining the causes and consequences of mass incarceration, and studying the contributions of the most relevant scholars in the United States. Important topics that are examined include the role of race in mass incarceration; a debate that is highly relevant since, according to certain authors, mass incarceration constitutes a new form of segregation. Other issues addressed concern problems that arise during custody, such as prison rape and the abuse of solitary confinement. The relevance of this study in the Spanish context is obvious in view of the clear punitivist approach embraced by our national legislator. In fact, the conclusion reached on the basis of this case study is that the consequences of such punitivism can hardly be accepted in a democracy.

This article is a critical analysis of inflationary criminal reforms set out by the neo-punitivism theory of politics for electioneering purposes. This theory has been irresponsibly disseminated by the media and tries to use criminal law as a political weapon of social control in every human relation and concept by increasing flexibility on the fundamental principles of fragmentary and subsidiary nature and ultima ratio. Additionally, as an interesting contraposition with the repressive reality described, we propose two new exceptions: alternative measures to imprisonment (new Argentinian Penal Code draft bill) and a court decision to declare unconstitutional the minimum legal time stated by the law for a crime due to the triviality in the encumbrance of the legally protected right. ; Análisis crítico de las reformas penales inflacionarias planteadas por el discurso neopunitivista de la política con fines electoralistas, masificado irresponsablemente por los medios de comunicación y que pretende utilizar al derecho penal como un arma política de control social en todas las relaciones y conflictos humanos, flexibilizando los principios fundamentales de fragmentariedad, subsidiariedad y ultima ratio. Además, en una interesante contraposición con la realidad represiva descrita, se plantean dos novedosas excepciones: medidas alternativas a la pena de prisión del anteproyecto del nuevo Código Penal argentino, y una decisión judicial de declarar inconstitucional el mínimo legal previsto para un delito por la insignificancia en la afectación al bien jurídico tutelado. ; Análise crítico das reformas penais inflacionarias planteadas pelo discurso neopunitivista da política com fines eleitoralistas, massificado irresponsavelmente pela mídia de comunicação e que pretende utilizar ao direito penal como uma arma política de controle social em todas as relações e conflitos humanos, flexibilizando os princípios fundamentais de fragmentariedade, subsidiariedade e ultima ratio. Além do mais, em uma interessante contraposição com a realidade repressiva descrita, se propõem duas novidadeiras exceções: medidas alternativas à pena de prisão do anteprojeto do novo Código Penal argentino, e uma decisão judicial de declarar inconstitucional o mínimo legal previsto para um delito pela insignificância na afetação ao bem jurídico tutelado.

This article has the objective to analyze the discourse around punishment and decarceration policies on the administrations of the Ministry of Justice and Peace during the periods of 2015-2017 and 2018-2020. The discourses under study include the ones issued by politicians in power included in interviews, government plans and accountability speeches to the parliament. Is relevant the fact that the period under study is of two administrations of party continuity, where the prison system played a relevant role in the 2018 election and the decarceration policies were used against the ruling party for increasing insecurity in the country. To achieve the objective, the Critical Discourse Analysis methodology will be used, which will allow a deep understanding of the sociocultural problems from the discourses held by groups in power, which deepens the conditions of inequality and exclusion. It is concluded that, despite the continuity in power of a party with a supposedly progressive ideology, is possible to identify ruptures and important discontinuities between both governmental periods. ; El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar los discursos en torno al castigo y las políticas de descarcelación de las administraciones ministeriales de la cartera de Justicia y Paz durante los periodos 2015-2017 y 2018-2020 en Costa Rica. Se estudiarán tanto los discursos de los operadores políticos contemplados en entrevistas a medios de comunicación, planes de gobierno y comparecencias legislativas. Cobra relevancia el hecho de que el periodo de estudio abarca dos administraciones de continuidad partidaria, y que el tema carcelario jugó un papel relevante en la elección del 2018 y las políticas de descarcelación fueron achacadas al oficialismo por aumentar la inseguridad en el país. Para alcanzar el objetivo, se utilizó la metodología de Análisis Crítico de Discurso, la cual permite comprender problemas socioculturales desde los discursos emitidos por grupos de poder, los cuales profundizan condiciones de desigualdad y ...

This paper examines the public interventions of feminist activists and intellectuals who have warned of the increase in punitive practices of control and policing by the states –and by some segments of society– during the current health, economical, and political crisis. We claim that such a process, which has been structured around the discourse of self-care and the care of others, should be called into question politically. We explore the ways in which these interventions have been articulated, focusing on their critique of the overlap between care and punishment, in an attempt to elucidate the different forms of violence operating in such a juncture. We will concentrate on the ways in which the securitization of the discourse has proliferated in Latin America, especially in Argentina, as we survey the feminist strategies of resistance through alternative politics of feelings. In sum, we will show how feminism has been able to tap into different forms of imagination in order to think about care, immunity, danger, and dangerousness within this context, as forms of micropolitics aimed at disrupting both the "new normal" and the new domesticity. ; El presente artículo analiza las intervenciones de activistas e intelectuales feministas que han alertado sobre la acentuación de prácticas punitivas, de control y vigilancia por parte de los Estados y de sectores de la sociedad en medio de la crisis sanitaria, económica y política actual. Dicho proceso, sostenemos, se vio justificado por discursos del cuidado de sí y de lxs otrxs que deben ser puestos políticamente en tensión. Nos abocaremos a la articulación de estas intervenciones teniendo como eje sus críticas a los solapamientos entre cuidados y punición, dilucidando las distintas violencias que operan en esta yuxtaposición. Haremos foco en cómo estos discursos securitistas han prosperado en América Latina, especialmente en Argentina, mientras revisamos cuáles han sido las estrategias feministas de resistencia desde otras políticas sensibles. Es decir, cómo han explorado distintos imaginarios para pensar el cuidado, la inmunidad, el peligro y la peligrosidad en este contexto como micropolíticas de desestabilización de las nuevas normalidades y domesticidades.

Abstract This article affirms the centrality of the themes of public security and penal populism for the understanding of the current political situation. From this premise, we will demonstrate how these themes dealt with by antagonistic sectors of society. Then, based on the criticism of the prison and control, it will be possible to offer keys for understanding the moment in which we live and responses that oppose punitivism.

Abstract This article affirms the centrality of the themes of public security and penal populism for the understanding of the current political situation. From this premise, we will demonstrate how these themes dealt with by antagonistic sectors of society. Then, based on the criticism of the prison and control, it will be possible to offer keys for understanding the moment in which we live and responses that oppose punitivism.