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The point of departure for the author is an observation that the queer theory in Polish humanities is either uncritically accepted or authoritatively rejected. None of these extremes perceives discussion which arose around the queer theory and the assumption which is at its basis of the social construction of sexuality in the West European and American studies. The article presented here attempts to show, sum up and put in order the accusations and doubts addressed to M. Foucault, J. Butler, and E.K. Sedgwick by researchers who are representatives of the essentialist standpoint (J. Boswell, R. Norton) or – on the grounds of queer theory – represent critical approach to its assumptions (D. Eribon, D. Halperin). ; Śmieja Wojciech, Przeciw konstrukcjonistom. Teoria "queer" i jej krytycy [Against constructionists. Queer theory and its critics]. "Przestrzenie Teorii" 13. Poznań 2010, Adam Mickiewicz University Press, pp. 223-242. ISBN 978-83-232-2176-0. ISSN 1644-6763. The point of departure for the author is an observation that the queer theory in Polish humanities is either uncritically accepted or authoritatively rejected. None of these extremes perceives discussion which arose around the queer theory and the assumption which is at its basis of the social construction of sexuality in the West European and American studies. The article presented here attempts to show, sum up and put in order the accusations and doubts addressed to M. Foucault, J. Butler, and E.K. Sedgwick by researchers who are representatives of the essentialist standpoint (J. Boswell, R. Norton) or – on the grounds of queer theory – represent critical approach to its assumptions (D. Eribon, D. Halperin).

The aim of this paper is a synthetic presentation of the theory of household finances in the area of economics, sociology and psychology. An overview of the theories, regardless of the field of science, shows a progressive increase in the complexity and individualisation of household finances. At the same time the extension of the scope of the research (of sociological and psychological aspects of decisions made by and within a household) has contributed significantly to a better representation of reality in economic theories. The development of the concept regarding the functioning of households clearly shows the growing importance of household finances. This does not mean reducing the role of public policy in ensuring the economic security of households. On the contrary, the growing financialisation of household budgets poses new challenges to public policy. The condition of household budgets increasingly affects the overall economy and in order to achieve the target level of effectiveness, greater precision in the design of public solutions is required.

This article examines the reasons for adopting a non‑institutional character of the Visegrad cooperation in the years 1991‑1992. Its focus concerns two causes of the initial reluctance to institutionalise the Visegrad Group: the high level of unpredictability in Central Europe after the collapse of Communism and the symbolic role the Group was expected to play outside the region. These issues are considered through the prism of two theories in International Relations: neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. Both provide theoreti‑ cal grounds to support the research hypothesis which assumes that the infor‑ mal character of the Visegrad cooperation was a pragmatic choice of its found‑ ing members. However, neorealist and neoliberal explanations of how the political background and security issues could have influenced their decision vary. The article concludes that the neorealist approach holds more explana‑ tory power in this regard, suggesting that the choice of the Visegrad states was dictated by the preservation of their national interests and subjected to ex‑ ternal limitations, rather than motivated by a common intention to facilitate their regional cooperation. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

Publications in western specialized journals which describe the Russian Federation's international behavior have always followed a certain paradigm of international relations. The article is an analysis of opinions and beliefs held by commentators and analysts writing for "Foreign Affairs", based on their publications about the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation on march 2014. They have been scrutinized using three predominant theories of international relations: realism, liberalism and constructivism. The research proved that western commentators and analysts writing about the annexation of Crimea usually present a single paradigm of international relations. Moreover, they believe it to be the only effective tool in explaining countries' foreign policy, thereby depreciating the value and usefulness of other paradigms. ; Publikacje w zachodniej prasie specjalistycznej dotyczące zachowań międzynarodowych Federacji Rosyjskiej od zawsze wpisują się w jakiś konkretny paradygmat stosunków międzynarodowych. Artykuł jest analizą opinii i poglądów prezentowanych przez komentatorów i analityków publikujących na łamach "Foreign Affairs", przeprowadzoną na podstawie ich publikacji dotyczących aneksji Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską w marcu 2014 r. Przeanalizowano je przez pryzmat trzech teorii stosunków międzynarodowych głównego nurtu, tj. realizmu, liberalizmu i konstruktywizmu. W wyniku badań uzyskano potwierdzenie opinii, iż zachodni komentatorzy i analitycy zazwyczaj wyraźnie prezentują wybrany paradygmat stosunków międzynarodowych, pisząc o aneksji Krymu. Ponadto uznają, iż jest on jedynym skutecznym narzędziem wyjaśniania polityki zagranicznej państw, a tym samym deprecjonują znaczenie i przydatność pozostałych paradygmatów.

While many people all over the world become conscious about serious defects and inefficiencies of the prevailing political systems based on representative democracy, alternative solutions for more just and inclusive systems of governance continue developing. Alternative forms of democracy based on the idea of civic participation and deliberation have more and more followers, who are willing to implement innovative participatory and collective decision making practices in various areas and at various organizational levels. However, the strife for greater self-governance, reinforcement of citizens role in political decision-making processes and establishment of bottom-up control over public expenditures is often considered as a merely utopian project, especially by those who benefit most from the current status quo. In this article, I examine the fundamental ideological challenges for the new egalitarian approaches and argue that instead of making dichotomous distinction between utopianism and realism, realistically utopian approach is the most desirable.

Celem artykułu jest próba ukazania mocy eksplanacyjnej i prognostycznej teorii stosunków międzynarodowych (neorealizm, neoliberalny instytucjonalizm i konstruktywizm społeczny) w sytuacji widocznych problemów z przewidzeniem końca zimnej wojny i wyjaśnieniem procesu demokratyzacji w państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej oraz innych częściach świata. W obliczu istotnych przemian, które miały wpływ na kształtowanie się nowego pozimnowojennego porządku międzynarodowego, należy zastanowić się nad znaczeniem teorii w przyjmowaniu odpowiednich strategii badawczych, aby z jednej strony, można było z jakimś stopniem prawdopodobieństwa przewidzieć bieg wydarzeń oraz z drugiej, wyjaśnić ich istotę i znaczenie. Koniec zimnej wojny oraz proces transformacji państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej stawiają więc generalne i niezwykle istotne pytanie o możliwość rozwijania naukowego podejścia do analizy stosunków międzynarodowych, które wychodzi poza jedynie krótkoterminową obserwację bieżących wydarzeń. W artykule poddane są analizie najważniejsze podejścia teoretyczne w kontekście przyjęcia takiej strategii badawczej, dzięki której można by odchodzić od dominacji skrajnych wykluczających się wzajemnie stanowisk. Toczone do tej pory wielkie debaty pokazały, że bogactwo w nauce wynika nie z jednostronnego podejścia, nawet jeżeli w pewnym momencie, czy okresie mamy do czynienia z supremacją określonej teorii czy podejścia metodologicznego. Fiasko nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych w przewidzeniu końca zimnej wojny ukazało konieczność podjęcia takich działań, których zadaniem byłoby łączenie a nie wykluczanie. Koniec zimnej wojny i proces transformacji Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej są więc traktowane jako studia przypadku pomocne w testowaniu teorii stosunków międzynarodowych jako adekwatnych narzędzi do analizy zmieniającej się sytuacji międzynarodowej. ; The aim of the article is to show the explanatory and prognostic power of theories of international relations (neorealism, neo-liberal institu¬tionalism and social constructivism) in the situation of visible problems with predicting the end of the Cold War and explaining the democratization pro¬cess in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. In the face of significant changes that have influenced the formation of a new post-Cold War international order, it is necessary to consider the im¬portance of the theory in adopting appropriate research strategies so that on the one hand, it is possible to predict the course of events with some degree of probability and on the other, to explain their essence and importance. The end of the Cold War and the process of transforming the countries of Central and Eastern Europe thus pose a general and extremely important question about the possibility of developing a scientific approach to the analysis of international relations, which goes beyond only short-term observation of cur¬rent events. The article analyzes the most important theoretical approaches in the context of adopting such a research strategy, thanks to which one could depart from the dominance of extreme, mutually exclusive positions. The great debates that have been held so far have shown that wealth in science is not a one-sided approach, even if at some point or time we are dealing with the supremacy of a particular theory or a methodological approach. The fiasco of the science of international relations in predicting the end of the Cold War has shown the necessity of undertaking such activities whose task would be to combine rather than exclude. The end of the Cold War and the trans¬formation process of Central and Eastern Europe are therefore treated as case studies that help in testing the theory of international relations as adequate instruments for analyzing the changing international situation.

Celem artykułu jest próba ukazania mocy eksplanacyjnej i prognostycznej teorii stosunków międzynarodowych (neorealizm, neoliberalny instytucjonalizm i konstruktywizm społeczny) w sytuacji widocznych problemów z przewidzeniem końca zimnej wojny i wyjaśnieniem procesu demokratyzacji w państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej oraz innych częściach świata. W obliczu istotnych przemian, które miały wpływ na kształtowanie się nowego pozimnowojennego porządku międzynarodowego, należy zastanowić się nad znaczeniem teorii w przyjmowaniu odpowiednich strategii badawczych, aby z jednej strony, można było z jakimś stopniem prawdopodobieństwa przewidzieć bieg wydarzeń oraz z drugiej, wyjaśnić ich istotę i znaczenie. Koniec zimnej wojny oraz proces transformacji państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej stawiają więc generalne i niezwykle istotne pytanie o możliwość rozwijania naukowego podejścia do analizy stosunków międzynarodowych, które wychodzi poza jedynie krótkoterminową obserwację bieżących wydarzeń. W artykule poddane są analizie najważniejsze podejścia teoretyczne w kontekście przyjęcia takiej strategii badawczej, dzięki której można by odchodzić od dominacji skrajnych wykluczających się wzajemnie stanowisk. Toczone do tej pory wielkie debaty pokazały, że bogactwo w nauce wynika nie z jednostronnego podejścia, nawet jeżeli w pewnym momencie, czy okresie mamy do czynienia z supremacją określonej teorii czy podejścia metodologicznego. Fiasko nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych w przewidzeniu końca zimnej wojny ukazało konieczność podjęcia takich działań, których zadaniem byłoby łączenie a nie wykluczanie. Koniec zimnej wojny i proces transformacji Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej są więc traktowane jako studia przypadku pomocne w testowaniu teorii stosunków międzynarodowych jako adekwatnych narzędzi do analizy zmieniającej się sytuacji międzynarodowej. ; The aim of the article is to show the explanatory and prognostic power of theories of international relations (neorealism, neo-liberal institu¬tionalism and social constructivism) in the situation of visible problems with predicting the end of the Cold War and explaining the democratization pro¬cess in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. In the face of significant changes that have influenced the formation of a new post-Cold War international order, it is necessary to consider the im¬portance of the theory in adopting appropriate research strategies so that on the one hand, it is possible to predict the course of events with some degree of probability and on the other, to explain their essence and importance. The end of the Cold War and the process of transforming the countries of Central and Eastern Europe thus pose a general and extremely important question about the possibility of developing a scientific approach to the analysis of international relations, which goes beyond only short-term observation of cur¬rent events. The article analyzes the most important theoretical approaches in the context of adopting such a research strategy, thanks to which one could depart from the dominance of extreme, mutually exclusive positions. The great debates that have been held so far have shown that wealth in science is not a one-sided approach, even if at some point or time we are dealing with the supremacy of a particular theory or a methodological approach. The fiasco of the science of international relations in predicting the end of the Cold War has shown the necessity of undertaking such activities whose task would be to combine rather than exclude. The end of the Cold War and the trans¬formation process of Central and Eastern Europe are therefore treated as case studies that help in testing the theory of international relations as adequate instruments for analyzing the changing international situation.

The article presents the current state of comparative research into the Kalmar Union and the Polish-Lithuanian unions, contributing to the postulate of the need for further detailed comparative studies in this field. It outlines a genesis of the unions (their causes, the 1385 Act of Krewo and the 1397 Kalmar Union [unionsbrevet]), then characterises the both documents and conducts a comparative analysis; indicates the similarities between the unions as regards rivalry for the leadership; emphasises the role played by Queen Margaret in the conclusion of the union, and describes the independent rule of Erik of Pomerania with its results. Next, it analyses the transformation of the Kalmar Union together with its successive stages and the causes of its collapse; the fate of the two unions after they formally ended and their impact on the historical development of the member states. Finally, it attempts to indicate lines of further comparative research into the both unions. ; Artykuł prezentuje dotychczasowy stan badań komparatystycznych nad unią kalmarską i uniami polsko-litewskimi. Na wstępie przedstawiono genezę obu unii: przyczyny ich zawarcia, scharakteryzowano i porównano dokumenty obu układów: w Krewie (1385 r.) i unii kalmarskej (unionsbrevet) (1397 r.). Wskazano również podobieństwa obu związków na płaszczyźnie rywalizacji o przywództwo, a także rolę królowej Małgorzaty w zawarciu unii oraz samodzielne rządy Eryka Pomorskiego i ich skutki. Następnie przybliżono transformację unii kalmarskiej, jej poszczególne etapy i przyczyny upadku oraz losy obu związków unijnych po ich formalnym ustaniu i ich wpływ na dalszy rozwój państw członkowskich. Na zakończenie podjęto próbę wytyczenia kierunków dalszych badań porównawczych nad obydwoma uniami, stawiając postulat o konieczności ich kontynuowania i rozwijania.

The article presents the current state of comparative research into the Kalmar Union and the Polish-Lithuanian unions, contributing to the postulate of the need for further detailed comparative studies in this field. It outlines a genesis of the unions (their causes, the 1385 Act of Krewo and the 1397 Kalmar Union [unionsbrevet]), then characterises the both documents and conducts a comparative analysis; indicates the similarities between the unions as regards rivalry for the leadership; emphasises the role played by Queen Margaret in the conclusion of the union, and describes the independent rule of Erik of Pomerania with its results. Next, it analyses the transformation of the Kalmar Union together with its successive stages and the causes of its collapse; the fate of the two unions after they formally ended and their impact on the historical development of the member states. Finally, it attempts to indicate lines of further comparative research into the both unions. ; Artykuł prezentuje dotychczasowy stan badań komparatystycznych nad unią kalmarską i uniami polsko-litewskimi. Na wstępie przedstawiono genezę obu unii: przyczyny ich zawarcia, scharakteryzowano i porównano dokumenty obu układów: w Krewie (1385 r.) i unii kalmarskej (unionsbrevet) (1397 r.). Wskazano również podobieństwa obu związków na płaszczyźnie rywalizacji o przywództwo, a także rolę królowej Małgorzaty w zawarciu unii oraz samodzielne rządy Eryka Pomorskiego i ich skutki. Następnie przybliżono transformację unii kalmarskiej, jej poszczególne etapy i przyczyny upadku oraz losy obu związków unijnych po ich formalnym ustaniu i ich wpływ na dalszy rozwój państw członkowskich. Na zakończenie podjęto próbę wytyczenia kierunków dalszych badań porównawczych nad obydwoma uniami, stawiając postulat o konieczności ich kontynuowania i rozwijania.

Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C. W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination - which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec's paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it's in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering -in this context- fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.

The examination of public policy in Poland should refer to the terms, analytical categories as well as theories, which have already been postulated in this research field. The article aims to present an overview of the development of public policy theories in the long run. To begin with, the typological and stages approaches were presented. The theories of public policy were presented as two broader classes based on the differentiation into rational and interpretative paradigms. The application of the first one was examined in greater detail in the area of defining the choices of the ways to address public issues. The interpretative paradigm was presented mainly in connection with the argumentative approach as well as an attempt to combine the rational and interpretative approaches in the context of a rational discussion. The overview ends with the presentation of a few ways of organising the public policy research field through the research questions, the research areas, the theoretical-methodological framework as well as the archetypes of the public policy analysts' activity.

Theories which are the base of this article refers to institutional project. Among democratic instruments we can mark out inter alia political institutions. But to find out more about mentioned aspects, It is necessary to examine and analyze fields, methods and ways of thinking about them. This particular dilemma is one of many which we can read about in famous book of James March and Johan Olsen "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics". At the beginning it's important to remind that the principle idea of theory of sovereignty is based on the fact that the people will should finally overweight. Thought, it is important to answer actual questions like who adhere to "the people", how it's possible to recognize their "will", how long does "finally" take and what exactly "overweight" means. Theories distincts in this matters. But it is crucial to straight out that those slim differences are very important, because their interpretation transfer to distinction of two opposite political processes called by their authors aggregated and integrated ones. Moreover, making short simplification, the same distinction is combined with well known contrast between contractual and collective view on social organization which grew on dissimilarities between societies defined as collectivistic and individualistic ones. This article inspired by "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics" book refers to proposition of dividing political processes into aggregated and integrated ones. After broad explanation March's and Olsen's theories, the author compare them to other conceptions like contractual and collective ones trying to find common bounds same as main fields of disagreement of mentioned theories.

Theories which are the base of this article refers to institutional project. Among democratic instruments we can mark out inter alia political institutions. But to find out more about mentioned aspects, It is necessary to examine and analyze fields, methods and ways of thinking about them. This particular dilemma is one of many which we can read about in famous book of James March and Johan Olsen "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics". At the beginning it's important to remind that the principle idea of theory of sovereignty is based on the fact that the people will should finally overweight. Thought, it is important to answer actual questions like who adhere to "the people", how it's possible to recognize their "will", how long does "finally" take and what exactly "overweight" means. Theories distincts in this matters. But it is crucial to straight out that those slim differences are very important, because their interpretation transfer to distinction of two opposite political processes called by their authors aggregated and integrated ones. Moreover, making short simplification, the same distinction is combined with well known contrast between contractual and collective view on social organization which grew on dissimilarities between societies defined as collectivistic and individualistic ones. This article inspired by "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics" book refers to proposition of dividing political processes into aggregated and integrated ones. After broad explanation March's and Olsen's theories, the author compare them to other conceptions like contractual and collective ones trying to find common bounds same as main fields of disagreement of mentioned theories