Suchergebnisse

Autor razmatra politički profil Alternative za Njemačku kako bi pridonio razumijevanju njezine pojave u političkom životu Njemačke. Analizom izbornih programa provjerava njezin položaj na osi lijevo-desno te stavove o europskim integracijama, nacionalizmu i multikulturalizmu, te o ekonomskoj politici i demokraciji. Multivarijantnom regresijskom analizom ispituje prediktivnu snagu konfesionalnih, dobnih, obrazovnih, migracijskih i ekonomskih obilježja izbornih okruga u objašnjenju varijacije u postotku glasova. Istraživanjem biografskih obilježja članova vodstva stranke testira se pretpostavljena zajednička demografska i ideološka pozadina stranačke elite. Pokazalo se da Alternativa za Njemačku odudara od stavova drugih stranaka u gledanjima na Europsku uniju, nacionalizam, multikulturalizam i ekonomsku politiku, ali ne odskače značajno na osi lijevo-desno, kao ni prema stavovima o demokraciji. Za predikciju glasovanja za tu stranku najvažnijima su se pokazala regionalna (rascjep istok-zapad), dobna i ekonomska obilježja izbornih okruga. Biografska analiza stranačke elita otkriva visok postotak bivših članova njemačkih demokršćanskih stranaka, te prevlast starijih visokoobrazovanih muškaraca u njoj. ; This paper analyzes the political profile of the Alternative for Germany to contribute to the understanding of its emergence in the German political life. An analysis of electoral manifestos tests the party's left-right position, stances on European integration, nationalism, and multiculturalism as well as on economic policy and democracy. A multiple regression analysis examines the predictive power of religion, age, education, migration, and economic status as characteristics of electoral districts explaining the variation in the party's vote percentage. An assessment of biographies of the party's leadership tests the presumed common demographic and ideologic background of the party elite. The article shows that new party differs from other German parties regarding the EU, nationalism, and multiculturalism, and economic policy, yet does not represent an outlier on the left-right scale, nor in its stance on democracy. The study of predictors of the vote for the Alternative for Germany has shown that regional (East/West cleavage), age and economic characteristics of electoral districts hold most importance. The biographic analysis of the party elite reveals a high percentage of previous CDU/CSU members and a dominance of elderly, well-educated men.

The goals of NATO to secure peace in Europe after the end of the Cold War & promote peaceful cooperation between all states on the continent, spelled out in the documents issued at the closing of the London summit in 1990 & Rome meeting in 1991, are listed. Two organizations created to achieve these objectives are presented: (1) the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC), formed in Brussels in 1991, & replaced by the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), formed in 1997; & (2) the Partnership for Peace Program (PfP) created in 1994. The objectives of PfP are listed, & the participation of the Republic of Slovenia in this program since its very inception is discussed, identifying both positive & negative outcomes of this cooperation. The Slovenian government is criticized for failing to perform a cost-benefit analysis & provide adequate information to the public on how the interests of the country & PfP converge. Z. Dubiel

The paper describes the permeation of the Croatian language with adjacent languages that were frequently used as languages of political domination or great prestige. The author speaks about the language power of the Croatian South and the Croatian North. In Europe, more precisely in West and Central Europe, there is hardly any other nation on whose territory so many languages were spoken as it is the case with Croatia, especially in its South. However, this fact did not prevent the Croats to become one united nation in the 19th century. The only language with which Croatian was in actual conflict was Hungarian

Prikazanje rad u privremeno osposobljenom stacionaru u ratu za potrebe HV. Važno je i potrebito istaknuti da se takav stacionar pokazao kao izuzetno koristan, u ovakvom obliku rata kakav se vodi protiv Republike Hrvatske. U radu u stacionaru potvrdili smo prijašnje postavke da je stacionar potrebito smjestiti izvan dometa artiljerije, a na podjednakoj udaljenosti od zdravstvenih ustanova na koje se u radu oslanjamo, a također je i izrazito važna mogućnost sigurnih putova izvlačenja. Pokazalo se da je organizacija rada izrazito važan čimbenik kako bi svi poslovi i suradnja s vojnim postrojbama i civilnim službama, a posebno sam rad u cijelosti bio sukladan medicinskoj i ratnoj doktrini. Stručan i organiziran rad dao je rezultate u velikom broju izliječenih bolesnika u opisanom stacionaru, a također je bio i velika pomoć i rasterećenje civilnim ustanovama koje su u ovom brutalnom ratu bile izuzetno opterećene. Stečena iskustva u radu u brigadnom stacionaru mogu biti od velike koristi i poslužiti kao osnova organizacije i plana rada SnSl Hrvatske vojske. Potrebno je istaknuti da je posebno važno vođenje medicinske dokumentacije u stacionaru kako bi se imao kompletan uvid o ljudima koji su liječeni u stacionaru te rezultatima liječenja u slučaju potrebe za vještačenjem. ; It is very important to emphasize that such a temporary stationary clinic showed as extremely helpful in a war as was the war aginst Croatia. The stationary clinic should be situated out of the reach of artillery, on the point equally distant from health organisations on which stationary clinic is dependant. It is very important too, that secure ways of retreat exist. The organisation of the work shoved to be an explicitely important fact so that all the work and cooperation with military units and civil services could be in corcondance with medical and war doctrine. Competent and organized work resulted in a large number of cured wounded in the described stationary clinic. It was a remarkable help for civilian health units which were extremely overburdened in this war. The experiences in work in the brigade stationary clinic could be of great use as the base for organisation and plan of the work in Health organisation in Croatian Army. It is important to point out keeping of medical documentation so that a complete registration of the wounded could be used in any case needed.

U prvoj polovini 19- stoljeća dolazi do povijesnih i političkih previranja u Europi: pojava panslavizma, revolucija 1948., koja je trebala rušenjem Austrougarske Monarhije uspostaviti temelje demokraciji (u kojoj se hrvatski ban Jelačić stavio na stranu Beča), te intenzivan interes kulturne Europe za zaostali srpski narod pod turskom vlašću. I pored kontroverzne uloge J. Kopitara i Vuka Karadžića, Hrvati prihvaćaju Književni dogovor 1850. g. sa Srbima, koji već u ono vrijeme, očevidno uz pomoć politike i lingvistike, osporavaju Hrvatima identitet. ; In the first half of the 19th century Europe saw some historical and political changes like Pan-Slavism and the Revolution of 1848, which was to build up democratic fundaments through the abolition of the Austro Hungarian Empire (with the Croartian Banus Jelačić on the Viennese side). Europe's cultural interest in Serbia increased. The Serbs were under Turkish dominance and thus restricted in their development. In 1850, despite controversial roles of J. Kopitar and Vuk Karadžić, the Croats agreed to a literary arrangement with the Serbs, who had already at that time obviously disputed the Croatian identity by means of politics and linguistics.

The essay reconstructs Robert A. Dahl's democratic theory as a combination of empirical research of democratic regimes & the theoretical reinterpretation of democratic tradition. The elements of this theory are analyzed, the continuity & the phases in the evolution of Dahl's concept of democracy are highlighted (pluralist theory, neopluralist approach, & the theory of democratic pluralism). The author concludes that a sort of dualism in Dahl's theory of democracy is not only a consequence of his methodical approach, but also of the tension among the central tenets of liberal democracy, which Dahl critically elucidated & tried to reconcile. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.