Suchergebnisse

Namen magistrskega dela je bilo proučiti stanje ozaveščenosti glede sistema navzkrižne skladnosti. Ravno tako je bil namen proučiti možnosti poenotenja postopkov v izvajanju sistema, identificirati dobre prakse med deležniki in jih kot skupek dobrih praks, združenih v smernice, predstaviti vsem deležnikom, z namenom postati učinkovitejši v upravljanju kontrolnih sistemov. Pri tem smo kot osnovo za izboljšanje sistema analizirali izvedbeni model obstoječega sistema navzkrižne skladnosti, proučili akreditacijska merila, ki jih mora izpolnjevati plačilna agencija in jih nadgradili z zahtevami novega standarda ISO 9001:2015. Pri standardizaciji procesov smo sledili merilom, ki prispevajo k učinkovitejšemu upravljanju kontrolnih sistemov in ugotovitve združili v prepoznane pomanjkljivosti sistema ter predloge za izboljšanje delovanja modela za dosego večje učinkovitosti sistema vodenja in uspešnejšega izvajanja sistema. Precizen odgovor na učinkovito upravljanje nadzora je v raziskavi opredeljen kot rezultat primerljivosti ugotovitev rednih sistemskih kontrol izven sistema subvencij z ugotovitvami kontrol v subvencijskem modelu. Ugotovili smo, da idejna zasnova modela deluje, vendar pa je mogoče z uporabo predlogov izboljšav obstoječega modela in odpravo izpostavljenih pomanjkljivosti učinkovitejše upravljati kontrolne sisteme znotraj skupne kmetijske politike. V okviru magistrskega dela smo izvedli kvalitativno raziskavo s pomočjo intervjujev z udeleženci vodstvenega in operativnega nivoja deležnikov modela ter s kvantitativno raziskavo. Ta je temeljila na spletnem vprašalniku, posredovanem kmetijskim svetovalcem, kmetom in potrošnikom. Na osnovi raziskave, izvedene z deležniki modela navzkrižne skladnosti, smo ugotovili, da je bistvenega pomena za uspešno skupno politiko uskladitev ciljev kmetijske, okoljske in naravovarstvene politike, ki s svojim zakonodajnim okvirjem, smernicami in ukrepi bodisi neposredno bodisi posredno vplivajo na področje navzkrižne skladnosti. Te s svojim zakonodajnim okvirjem, smernicami in ukrepi bodisi neposredno bodisi posredno vplivajo na področje navzkrižne skladnosti. Izkoristiti je potrebno prožnost politik na ravni EU kot tudi specifike naše države ter postaviti jasno srednje ročno in daljno ročno strategijo kmetijstva, z načrtovanimi in ciljno naravnanimi ukrepi, ki jih podpirajo vse ključne politike in so v interesu kmetov ter hkrati dovolj stabilni v času. Usmerjenost k temu cilju bo privedla do skladnosti s standardi, trajnostnega razvoja kmetijstva, kakor tudi večje združljivosti skupne kmetijske politike s pričakovanji kritične družbe na splošno. Navedeni elementi so bili prepoznani kot cilji politike navzkrižne skladnosti. ; The purpose of the Master thesis was to examine the state of awareness of the cross-compliance system. It was also intended to examine the possibility of standardization of the system implementation procedures, to identify best practices among shareholders and to present these to all shareholders as a set of good practices joined in guidelines, in order to become more efficient in the management of control systems. The implementation model of the existing cross-compliance system was analyzed as a basis for the improvement of the system. Furthermore, the accreditation criteria to be met by a paying agency were also examined and upgraded with the requirements of the new ISO 9001: 2015. The criteria that contribute to more effective management of control systems were followed during the standardization processes. In order to achieve greater effectiveness of the management system and more effective implementation of the system the findings were combined in the identified deficiencies of the system and proposals for improving the functioning of the model. Within the study the precise answer to the effective management of controls is defined as a result of the comparability between findings based on regular system checks outside the subsidy system and findings of controls in the subsidy model. As established the concept of the model is in place. However, with the application of proposed improvements of the existing model and the elimination of the exposed weaknesses the control systems within the Common Agricultural Policy could be managed more effectively. In the framework of the Master thesis the quantitative survey and the qualitative research were carried out, the latest through interviews with managerial and operational level of shareholders model. The quantitative survey was based on an online questionnaire submitted to agricultural advisers, farmers and consumers. The results of the research conducted with shareholders of the cross-compliance model showed that harmonization of objectives concerning agricultural, environmental and conservation policy is essential for a successful common policy. The legislative frameworks, guidelines and measures of the above mentioned policies have either direct or indirect influence on the scope of cross-compliance. It is necessary to take advantage of the flexibility of policies at EU level as well as the specifics of our country and to set clear medium term and long-term agriculture strategy, with planned and targeted measures that are supported by all key policies, in the interests of the farmers and sufficiently stable in time. Direction towards this goal will lead to the compliance with standards, the sustainable development of agriculture and will make Common Agricultural Policy more compatible with the expectations of critical society in general. These elements are identified as the cross-compliance policy objectives.

Namen dela je predvsem proučiti oblikovanje, delovanje, vlogo in pomen Demosa kot instrumenta in akterja nacionalne emancipacije in demokratične tranzicije na Slovenskem. Pred osrednjim delom analize so opredeljeni ključni pojmi in koncepti: definicija nacionalizma ter glavni teoretični pristopi k nacionalizmu, opredelitev demokracije in demokratizacije. Za celovito razumevanje vloge in pomena posameznih političnih akterjev, kakršen je bil konec osemdesetih in v začetku devetdesetih Demos, je potrebno dobro poznati zgodovinske okoliščine. Najprej sem v poglavju o zgodovinskih mejnikih oblikovanja slovenske nacionalne identitete poskušala dokazati, da pomembni procesi v osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih niso vznikli sami od sebe, ampak imajo dolgo zgodovinsko podlago. V nadaljevanju obravnavam širjenje političnega prostora, obdobje liberalizacije in razcveta civilne družbe ter ključne procese in dogodke na poti v pluralno družbo. Procesi liberalizacije so soustvarjali tudi politično okolje, v katerem je začela nastajati politična opozicija. Konec osemdesetih let, tik pred nastankom Demosa, sta se izoblikovala dva konsistentna in nekompatibilna narodno-politična programa, ki sta simbolizirala politično polarizacijo. Nove, alternativne 'zveze' so se začele povezovati v pričakovanju demokratičnih volitev in soočenja s skupino družbenopolitičnih organizacij z Zvezo komunistov na čelu. Osrednji del disertacije predstavlja obravnava Demosa, akterja demokratizacije. Znotraj tega obdobja namenjam posebno pozornost najvidnejši osebnosti združene demokratične opozicije Jožetu Pučniku, analiziram predvolilne programe, rezultate volitev, ter oblikovanje novih oblastnih organov. V tem kontekstu analiziram tudi njihovo sodelovanje s Predsedstvom republike Slovenije. V nadaljevanju orišem vlogo Demosa v osamosvojitvenih procesih. Demos je v svojih glavnih namerah uspel, kljub temu, da ga niso ustrezno podpirali mediji, ni imel ustrezne zaslombe v gospodarstvu, pa tudi ne v državni upravi in, razen slovenske vojske in do neke mere policije, v represivnih organih oblasti. Kljub temu je uresničil glavne cilje, za uspešno izpeljano tranzicijo oziroma bolj popolno in konsolidirano demokratizacijo pa mu je zmanjkalo tako časa kot politične moči. Proces uvedbe demokracije, kot drugi od Demosovih ciljev, je bil uresničen v institucionalnem smislu, z vzpostavitvijo temeljnih demokratičnih struktur. Istočasno pa je bil Demos ključni dejavnik ne le pri oblikovanju splošnega soglasja o nujnosti osamosvojitve slovenskega naroda, ki se izraža v visokem rezultatu slovenskega plebiscita 23. decembra 1990, ampak je bil tudi glavni akter in instrument nacionalne osamosvojitve, obrambe slovenske samostojnosti v vojni za Slovenijo ter mednarodnega priznanja. ; The purpose of the thesis is primarily to examine the creation, operations, role and importance of Demos – Democratic Opposition of Slovenia as an instrument and actor of national emancipation and democratic transition in Slovenia. Prior to the central part of the analysis key terms and concepts are identified: definition of nationalism and the main theoretical approaches to nationalism, definition of democracy and democratization. For comprehensive understanding of the role and importance of individual political actors, like Demos was in the late eighties and early nineties, we should also be familiar with historical circumstances. At first I tried to stress that the main events and processes in the eighties and nineties had not emerged by themselves but were results of long historical development. Next I discuss broadening of political space, a period of liberalization and flourishing of civil society and also key processes and events on the way to a pluralistic society. The liberalization processes co-created also the political environment, in which the political opposition started to take shape. At the end of the eighties, just before the establishment of Demos, two consistent and incompatible national-political programmes were formed which symbolized the political polarization. New, alternative 'unions' began to link pending democratic elections and confrontations with a group of the so-called socio-political organizations with the Communists Party at the head. The central part of the thesis is the analysis of Demos, the actor of democratization. Within this period I pay particular attention to Jože Pučnik, the most prominent personality of the united democratic opposition, I analyse election programs, results of elections and the creation of new public authorities. In this context, I analyse also their cooperation with the Presidency of the Republic of Slovenia and outline the role of Demos in the independence processes. Demos succeeded in its main intentions, despite the fact that it had not adequate support of the media, no support of the economy nor in the public service and, with the exception of the Slovenian Army and to some extent police forces, the repressive authorities. Despite all these Demos accomplished its main objectives, however, for a successful transition or a more complete and consolidated democratization it ran out of time and political power. The process of introducing democracy was realized in a formal sense, with the establishment of basic democratic structures. At the same time Demos was a key factor in the creation of the general consensus on the necessity of the Slovenian independency which is shown in the high score of the plebiscite on 23rd Dec 1990. Demos was also the key actor and an instrument of the national independence process, the defence of the Slovenian territory in the war for Slovenia as well as in the process of the international recognition of the new Slovenian sovereign state.

Izgorevanje fosilnih energentov negativno vpliva na naš planet in v veliki meri pripomore k negativnim spremembam našega okolja. Z namenom preprečitve teh sprememb se od devetdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja v svetu, tudi v političnem opredeljevanju, vse bolj krepi zavedanje, da je treba ukrepati in s tem namenom svetovne politike vse več pozornosti posvečajo uvajanju programov, s katerimi bi te spremembe preprečili oziroma jih vsaj omilili. Evropska unija ima pri aktivnostih varovanja okolja vodilno vlogo v svetu. Predvsem pa znotraj unije skrbi za uresničevanje zastavljenih ciljev varstva okolja in državam članicam nalaga obveze za izpolnjevanje skupnih ciljev in dopušča ukrepe, ki naj bi zagotovili izpolnitev zadanih ciljev. S tem namenom dopušča tudi izjeme od načelne prepovedi dodeljevanja državnih pomoči. Le te so dopustne le, če so skladne s pravili, ki opredeljujejo njihovo dodelitev, katera so v izključni pristojnosti Evropske komisije, in uresničujejo cilje skupnega interesa, kar skrb za varstvo okolja zagotovo je. Tako je, dodeljena skladno z enimi od takšnih pravil, to je s smernicami o državni pomoči za varstvo okolja in (energijo) , izjemoma dopustna tudi državna pomoč proizvajalcem, ki proizvajajo električno energijo iz obnovljivih virov, če je predhodno tudi potrjena s strani Evropske komisije. Takšna državna pomoč, je bila leta 2009 z Energetskim zakonom uveljavljena tudi v Republiki Sloveniji, kot podpora za električno energijo, proizvedeno iz obnovljivih virov v okviru podporne sheme. Uveljavitev podporne sheme je bila smiselna in predvsem potrebna z namenom spodbuditi potencialne investitorje k investicijam, ki bodo prispevale k razvoju oziroma povečanju deleža električne energije, proizvedene iz obnovljivih virov, v skupni bruto končni rabi električne energije. Evropska unija je Republiko slovenijo z Direktivo 2009/28/ES Evropskega parlamenta in sveta o spodbujanju uporabe energije iz obnovljivih virov namreč obvezala do leta 2020 doseči 25 odstotni delež energije iz obnovljivih virov v skupni bruto končni rabi energije. Proizvajalci, ki so zgradili oziroma namestili proizvodne naprave za proizvodnjo električne energije iz obnovljivih virov so tako lahko v okviru podporne sheme pridobili podpore, namenjene za pokritje razlike med stroški proizvodnje, vključno z normalnim donosom na vložena sredstva, in prihodki od prodaje te proizvedene električne energije na trgu. Ker so bile vrednosti podpor določene administrativno, na podlagi vrednosti primerljivih investicij pred uveljavitvijo podporne sheme, in v obdobju med leti 2010 in 2012 niso bile usklajene z razmerami enakih investicij posameznih tehnologij na trgu (katerih cene so se bolj ali manj prepolovile), so v mnogih primerih proizvajalcem dodeljene podpore, za katere se izkazuje, da niso sorazmerne in presegajo dopusten obseg državne pomoči opredeljen tako v smernicah o državni pomoči za varstvo okolja in (energijo), kot tudi v nacionalni zakonodaji. V takšnih primerih bi država načeloma morala poseči v že dodeljene državne pomoči, ki se bodo proizvajalcem izplačevale za vso proizvedeno električno energijo v obdobju 15 let od namestitve proizvodne naprave, in jih, skladno z zakonodajnimi določbami, korigirati tako, da bodo služile svojemu namenu, to je pokritju razlike med stroški proizvodnje, vključno z normalnim donosom na vložena sredstva in prihodki od prodaje te energije na trgu. ; The combustion of fossil fuels has a negative impact on the environment and has become a major contributor to negative changes in our environment. To prevent these changes, the awareness that action must be taken has been present from the 1990s onward, including political actions. Global governance, therefore, pays more attention to the introduction of the programmes that prevent or at least mitigate these changes. The European Union has a leading role in the combat against climate changes. The Member States are responsible for meeting common objectives to protect the environment and to implement the measures for the fulfilment of these objectives. In this view, exceptions to the general prohibition on state aid are allowed. These exceptions are allowed only if they are in compliance with the rules that determine their allocation and falling within the exclusive jurisdiction of the European Commission, as well as if they meet the common targets related to environmental protection. In lines with one of these rules, Guidelines on State aid for environmental protection and energy, a state aid for the production of electricity from renewable sources is permitted. This state aid must be previously approved by the European Commission. By implementing the Energy Act in 2009, Slovenia has established such state aid as a support for the production of electricity from renewable energy sources within the frame of the support scheme. The introduction of the support scheme was a sensible and above all the necessary solution to encourage investors for investments that will contribute to the development and to increasing the share of renewable electricity in the gross final electricity consumption. By the Directive 2009/28/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources Slovenia become committed to achieve a 25 percent share of energy produced from renewable sources by 2020 in the gross final energy consumption. Producers who built or installed the facilities for the production of electricity from the renewable sources received the support within the support scheme ; the support was intended to cover the difference between the production costs, including a normal return on assets, and the revenues from the sale of electricity in the market. These supports were determined administratively on the basis of comparable investments before the support scheme was implemented ; in the period between 2010 and 2012 were not in compliance with the requirements for comparable investments in the market (prices of these investments were more or less halved). Due to that, many producers were granted the supports, which are not proportional and exceed the admissible amount of state aid determined by the Guidelines on State aid for environmental protection and energy, and national legislation. In such cases, the state should intervene in already granted supports, which are to be paid to producers for the produced electricity over the period of 15 years from the installation of the production facility. In accordance with the legislation, supports should be amend in a way to serve their purpose, that is to cover the difference between the production costs, including a normal return on assets, and the revenues from the sale of electricity in the market.

Predmet doktorske disertacije je upravljanje zunanjetrgovinske politike države ob upoštevanju delovanja nadnacionalnih entitet, pri čemer je naš osrednji cilj identificirati optimalen način realizacije nacionalnih interesov v okviru nadnacionalne entitete (tj. Evropske unije). Zunanjetrgovinska politika je eno izmed najstarejših ekonomskih področij, o katerem so tekle resne akademske razprave že v Antični Grčiji pred več kot 2000 leti. Vendar o razvoju svetovne trgovine kot sistematičnem globalnem načinu trgovanja govorimo šele od 15. stoletja dalje. Za boljše razumevanje področja v doktorski disertaciji najprej opredelimo teoretska izhodišča, v okviru katerih predstavimo teorije mednarodne menjave ter analiziramo vlogo države in ekonomske diplomacije skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (merkantilizem, liberalizem, protekcionizem, intervencionizem ter obdobje liberalizacije in globalizacije). Kot najpomembnejše teoretično izhodišče od Davida Ricarda dalje identificiramo ugotovitev, da svet ni ničelna vsota – vse države z zunanjo trgovino pridobivajo. Kljub temu da so države skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (glede na gospodarske razmere) vodile različne zunanjetrgovinske politike (protekcionistične ali liberalne), teorija in praksa potrjujeta, da liberalna zunanjetrgovinska politika povečuje konkurenčnost gospodarstva. Študije ekonomistov (Sachs in Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey v Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) namreč kažejo, da države z liberalno zunanjetrgovinsko politiko dosegajo višjo gospodarsko rast od tistih s protekcionistično. Kot potrditev teze navajamo izsledke analiz, ki kažejo na višje stopnje gospodarske rasti v t. i. hitro rastočih gospodarstvih (državah BRIICS ‒ Braziliji, Rusiji, Indiji, Indoneziji, Kitajski in Južni Afriki). Slednje so na podlagi liberalizacije trgov v zadnjih dvajsetih letih dosegale višje stopnje gospodarske rasti od razvitih gospodarstev. Glede na to da je predmet disertacije zunanjetrgovinska politika v okviru Evropske unije (EU), ki jo Slovenija sooblikuje, se v okviru analize ukrepov osredotočimo na ukrepe zunanjetrgovinske politike EU, vlogo nacionalnih in nadnacionalnih (vladnih in nevladnih) akterjev ter povezavo vsebin z drugimi politikami. Ključni akterji v procesu formalnega delovanja na področju zunanjetrgovinske politike EU so: Evropska komisija (Direktorat za trgovino), Svet EU (Odbor za zunanjetrgovinsko politiko, Coreper in Svet za zunanje zadeve), Evropski parlament ter nevladni akterji (združenja, nevladne organizacije) kot nadnacionalni akterji in (vladni in nevladni) akterji na nacionalni ravni držav članic EU. Prioriteta zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je multilateralna zunanja trgovina, vzporedno pa potekajo pogajanja s številnimi državami oz. regijami za sklenitev preferencialnih trgovinskih sporazumov. Med ukrepi zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je pomembna še Strategija dostopa na trg, v okviru katere se dosegajo sinergije na podlagi okrepljenega partnerstva med Evropsko komisijo, državami članicami in gospodarstvom. Ugotavljamo, da postaja v obdobju globalizacije zunanjetrgovinska politika izrazito večplastna ter da izginjajo meje med zunanjimi in notranjimi politikami. Na primeru pogajanj t. i. Razvojne agende iz Dohe, ki potekajo v okviru Svetovne trgovinske organizacije, potrdimo tezo o prepletanju pogajanj na različnih ravneh (bilateralni, regionalni in multilateralni) in vsebinski povezanosti zunanjetrgovinske politike z drugimi politikami (z razvojno, s kmetijsko ipd.). Slednje potrjujejo tudi strateški dokumenti EU (Strategija Evropa 2020 ; Trgovina, rast in svetovne zadeve ter Globalna Evropa: konkurenčna v svetu), v katere je zunanjetrgovinska politika vključena kot pomemben sestavni del politike konkurenčnosti. ; The doctoral thesis focuses on a country's external trade policy management in relation to the processes witin subnational entities. Our main goal is to identify an optimal approach to realizing national interests in the context of a subnational entity (i.e., the European Union). External trade policy is one of the oldest economic policies. The first discussions on trade issues started among philosophers in Greece 2000 years ago, but global trade as a systematic process emerged in the 15th century. At the beginning of the doctoral thesis, the focus is on the theoretical background ‒ theories of external economic co-operation. We analyse the role of the state and economic diplomacy in different historical periods (mercantilism, liberalism, protectionism, interventionism, liberalisation and globalisation). The most important theoretical finding is (discovered by David Ricardo and confirmed in subsequent theories) that all states, engaged in external trade, gain (we talk about the so called positive sum). Although countries led different external trade policies during various historical periods (liberal or protectionist), theory and experience show that the liberal external trade policy increases competitiveness of an economy. Studies of several economists (Sachs and Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey 1984 ; Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) also confirm, that countries with a liberal external trade policy record higher growth rates than those in favour of protectionism. Emerging economies (the so called BRIICS countries ‒ Brasil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa) record higher growth rates in the last twenty years – after liberalising their markets. We analyse the European Union (EU) external trade policy measures, the role of national and subnational (state and non-state) actors, and the interconnectedness of the external trade policy and other national policies. The key actors in the formal process of creating EU external trade policy are: European Commission (Directorate General for Trade), Council of the EU (Trade Policy Committee – formerly 133 Committee ; Coreper, Foreign Affairs Council), European Parliament, non-state actors (associations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs)) as well as actors in the member states (state and non state actors: ministries, diplomatic network, business associations, chambers of commerce, NGOs, etc.). The priority of the EU external trade policy is multilateral trade – successful conclusion of the WTO Doha Development Agenda. In parallel, EU is negotiating preferential trade agreements with several countries and regions. One of the most important trade policy measures is also Market Access Partnership, where active involvement of member states and the business sector is expected. Globalisation has changed the patterns of global economic co-operation and global trade. External trade has become more complex (linked to the competition, energy, environment and sustainable development policies) and the number of actors (state and non-state) involved in the policy has increased significantly. The boundaries between external and internal policies disappear as well. We show the interactions between different actors, negotiating levels, and policies on the World Trade Organisation Doha Development Agenda case, where the positions of the negotiations have to be agreed on at different levels: national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral. External trade policy is an important part of the EU strategic documents (Global Europe: competing in the world, EU 2020), and therefore an important element of the competitiveness policy. The thesis also confirms that the role of economic diplomacy in trade issues has gained importance during the last twenty years. Saner and Yiu (2003) argue that the main function of the post-modern economic diplomacy is representation in the international organisations and influence on other countries' policies.

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.