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The article deals with the interpretation of the principle of justice in Islam as a religion of society's prosperity based on social justice. The author proves that the category of "justice" in Islam has several meanings: firstly, it is equally the same treatment of any person to anybody in the community; secondly, it is the equality between people; thirdly, these are actions corresponding to the generally accepted moral and legal standards; fourthly, these are conscience, accuracy, impartiality, faithfulness, certainty, correctness and truth; fifthly, it is justice; and finally, it is a kind of counterweight to tyranny injustice and evil. But the Islamic understanding of justice differs in interpretation of it not only as a personal virtue, but as a principle of organization of community of believers and political system. The use of different values of justice aims to fi ll the very meaning of justice by means of these terms. It includes equity, equality, sincerity and control. On the one hand, it is justice between creator and creation, when power of Allah consider above you own happiness, His prosperity above your own whims and desires, and also when follow His commandments and keep His prohibitions. On the other hand, justice is reflected in relationships between people and their own "I", when it rejects any destruction. Thirdly, there must be justice between among all Allah's creations for them to be guided by law, to help each other with advice and deed, but not to cheat and bring any harm, to endure insults patiently and always follow the middle path. It has been proved that the Muslim idea of justice is based on the principle of coordination of own actions according to the requirements of natural order of things, where the law refers to the God's established order of life relationships, derived from human nature, the nature of things and the nature of relationships. The requirements of justice in this order presuppose the need to return to its original state in case of violation of this order. Muslims are expected just to follow this order, including the way of social cohesion in mind (community), limits of which coincide with the limits of the Islamic world itself. ; У статті розкрито трактування принципу справедливості в ісламі як релігії процвітання суспільства на основі соціальної рівності. Доведено, що уявлення про даний принцип в ісламі базується на основі узгодження своїх дій з вимогами природного стану речей, де під справедливістю розуміється порядок життєвих відносин, встановлений Богом; порядок, який випливає з природи людини, природи речей і природи відносин. Вимоги справедливості в ісламі полягають у необхідності повернення до початкового стану у випадку порушення даного порядку. Від мусульман вимагається лише дотримуватись цього порядку, у тому числі і шляхом соціального єднання в уммі (громаді), межі якої збігаються з межами всього ісламського світу.

The article deals with the interpretation of the principle of justice in Islam as a religion of society's prosperity based on social justice. The author proves that the category of "justice" in Islam has several meanings: firstly, it is equally the same treatment of any person to anybody in the community; secondly, it is the equality between people; thirdly, these are actions corresponding to the generally accepted moral and legal standards; fourthly, these are conscience, accuracy, impartiality, faithfulness, certainty, correctness and truth; fifthly, it is justice; and finally, it is a kind of counterweight to tyranny injustice and evil. But the Islamic understanding of justice differs in interpretation of it not only as a personal virtue, but as a principle of organization of community of believers and political system. The use of different values of justice aims to fi ll the very meaning of justice by means of these terms. It includes equity, equality, sincerity and control. On the one hand, it is justice between creator and creation, when power of Allah consider above you own happiness, His prosperity above your own whims and desires, and also when follow His commandments and keep His prohibitions. On the other hand, justice is reflected in relationships between people and their own "I", when it rejects any destruction. Thirdly, there must be justice between among all Allah's creations for them to be guided by law, to help each other with advice and deed, but not to cheat and bring any harm, to endure insults patiently and always follow the middle path. It has been proved that the Muslim idea of justice is based on the principle of coordination of own actions according to the requirements of natural order of things, where the law refers to the God's established order of life relationships, derived from human nature, the nature of things and the nature of relationships. The requirements of justice in this order presuppose the need to return to its original state in case of violation of this order. Muslims are expected just to follow this order, including the way of social cohesion in mind (community), limits of which coincide with the limits of the Islamic world itself. ; У статті розкрито трактування принципу справедливості в ісламі як релігії процвітання суспільства на основі соціальної рівності. Доведено, що уявлення про даний принцип в ісламі базується на основі узгодження своїх дій з вимогами природного стану речей, де під справедливістю розуміється порядок життєвих відносин, встановлений Богом; порядок, який випливає з природи людини, природи речей і природи відносин. Вимоги справедливості в ісламі полягають у необхідності повернення до початкового стану у випадку порушення даного порядку. Від мусульман вимагається лише дотримуватись цього порядку, у тому числі і шляхом соціального єднання в уммі (громаді), межі якої збігаються з межами всього ісламського світу.

Kolaps reda i rasprostranjeno nasilje u Albaniji 1997. godine prouzročilo je pad Vlade i smrt oko 2.000 osoba. Neredi 1997. godine bili su posljedica propasti špekulativnih financijskih piramidalnih shema koje su nalikovale ratnoj ekonomskoj strukturi. Tijekom događaja 1997. godine došlo je do konfiskacije i krađe državne imovine velikih razmjera. Tranzicijsko razdoblje Albanije iz komunističkog u demokratski sustav, započeto 1990. godine, dovelo je do uspostave novih struktura za profitiranje od resursa te zemlje. Neke od tih političkih i ekonomskih struktura nestale su kao posljedica događaja 1997. godine, a druge, uključujući njihove strukturalne posljedice, i dalje su prisutne i imaju utjecaj na političku stabilnost i ekonomski napredak zemlje. Danas možemo ocijeniti uspjehe i neuspjehe Albanije na temelju napretka te zemlje od događaja 1997. godine. U članku se analiziraju događaji 1997. godine kao i transformacija albanskih političkih i ekonomskih struktura između 1997. i 2016. godine, uzimajući u obzir postignuća i neuspjehe. Iz perspektive uspješnosti sagledava se način na koji se zemlja nosila s izgradnjom mira i razvojnom agendom nakon 1997. godine. Razmatraju se čimbenici koji su doveli do neuspješnosti države 1997. godine, kao i oni nakon toga, a koji su pridonijeli povijesnoj uvjetovanosti do trenutnog političkog konteksta države. Premda se mnogo pisalo o 1997. godini, vrlo je malo provedenih analiza iz perspektive istraživanja neuspješnih država. U tom kontekstu u članku se pokušava ponuditi Albanija kao primjer studije slučaja transformativnog procesa od ustanka do sadašnje situacije obilježene kao mješavina uspjeha i neuspjeha. U ovom se članku ukazuje na nekoliko pouka koje bi mogle biti od koristi za strategije usmjerene prema procesu transformacije. ; In 1997 Albania experienced a collapse of order and widespread violence, which resulted in a situation where the government was overthrown and some 2,000 people were killed. The 1997 disorder came as a result of the collapse of fraudulent financial pyramid schemes that had all the features of a war-like economic structure. During the 1997 events, large-scale confiscation and stealing of state assets occurred. Albania's transitional period from communism to democracy, which began in 1990, led to the establishment of new structures for profiting from the country's resources. Some of these political and economic structures, in the aftermath of the 1997 events, disappeared and others, including their structural effects, persist and have had an impact on the country's political stability and economic progress. Today, both the successes and failures of the country are assessed based on the progress that the country has made since the 1997 events. The paper analyses the 1997 events and the transformation of Albania's political and economic structures between 1997 and 2016, considering both achievements and failures. It looks at how the country has dealt with the post-1997 peace-building and development agenda from the perspective of it being a success. It looks at the factors that led to state failure in 1997 and at the factors that continue and have generated a path dependency to the current political context of the country. Although a lot has been written concerning the 1997 events, very little analysis has been conducted concerning what it means from the perspective of research on state failure. In this context, the proposed paper seeks to offer Albania as a case study example of a transformation process, from the uprising to the current situation, which is characterized as a mixture of successes and failures. The belief is that the proposed paper will point to some lessons learned for the strategies directed at the transformation processes.

The article examines the leading centers of democratic transformation in Arab countries and the formation of an institutional base for democratization processes. It is emphasized that the parameters of the political system of the Arab East are comparable to the some countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the countries of the former USSR, which reveals a problem beyond the limits of purely regional research. The attention has been focused on the socio-cultural specificities of the Arab countries as a factor requiring special attention to consider the social environment of the political system, which affects the organization of power and the specifics of political participation. It is noted that such traditional democratic institutions as active political participation, political leadership, and public activity should be considered through the prism of the traditional guidance of political Islam. It is argued that attempts to realize their own model of modernization of the political system are faced with the failure of political institutions. It is substantiated that in the Arabian countries the level of representation and realization of social interests of citizens has proved to be insufficient. The importance of the national Arab model of political adaptation of society to the conditions of globalization is considered. ; В статье исследованы ведущие центры демократических преобразований в арабских странах и формирования институциональной базы для процессов демократизации. Подчеркивается, что параметры политических системы Арабского Востока соразмерны с отдельными странами Центральной и Восточной Европы и странами бывшего СССР, выводит проблему за рамки региональных исследований. Сконцентрировано внимание на социокультурной специфике арабских стран как фактору, что требует отдельного внимания для рассмотрения социальной среды политические системы, которое влияет на организацию власти и специфику политического участия. Отмечается, что такие традиционные демократические институты, как активное политическое участие, политическое лидерство, общественная деятельность, нужно рассматривать сквозь призму традиционных установок политического ислама. Утверждается, что попытки реализовать собственную модель модернизации политической системы наталкиваются на невозможность политических институтов. Обосновано, что в арабских странах недостаточным оказался уровень представительства и реализации социальных интересов граждан. Рассмотрены значение национальной арабской модели политической адаптации общества к условиям глобализации. ; У статті досліджено провідні центри демократичних перетворень в арабських країнах та формування інституційної бази для процесів демократизації. Підкреслюється, що параметри політичних системи Арабського Сходу є співвимірними з окремими країнами Центральної та Східної Європи та країнами колишнього СРСР, що виводить проблему за межі суто регіональних досліджень. Сконцентровано увагу на соціокультурній специфіці арабських країн як чиннику, що потребує окремої уваги для розгляду соціального середовища політичні системи, яке впливає на організацію влади та специфіку політичної участі. Наголошується, що такі традиційні демократичні інститути, як активна політична участь, політичне лідерство, громадська діяльність потрібно розглядати крізь призму традиційних настанов політичного Ісламу. Стверджується, що спроби реалізувати власну модель модернізації політичної системи наштовхуються на неспроможність політичних інститутів. Обґрунтовано, що у арабських країнах недостатнім виявився саме рівень представництва та реалізації соціальних інтересів громадян. Розглянуто значення національної арабської моделі політичної адаптації суспільства до умов глобалізації.

Children are not born intractable. Behavioral problems should be taken as a result of the impact on society, social institutions and education for the children not favorable external factors. The reasons for this negative impact may be a variety of social, historical, political and economic causes such as civil (and not only) wars, the economic decline of the state, the loss of cultural norms, values and ideals, negative influence of the media etc. Today, the problem of behavior problems, educational neglect of children is not solved. Practice shows that among pupils of secondary schools is becoming increasingly intractable. The problem of "difficult" classes becomes particularly painful not only for the city but for many rural schools. To overcome this situation is needed well-coordinated and systematic work of school personnel, social workers, psychologists about: learning interests, abilities, aptitudes of difficult students and their involvement in work groups, sports clubs both in school and in school institutions working with parent committees class families intractable pupils disadvantaged families (weapons of pedagogical knowledge, provide specific individual methodological assistance); pay attention to overcoming and preventing the failure of students, to work on the gaps of the students, develop their thinking, attention, memory, to form in slow learners skills of rational organization of academic work, apply an individual approach to pupils losing in the educational work.Keywords: behavioral problems, students, deviant behavior, bias, prevention, education, educationally neglected children, pedagogical impact.

The article proves that modern Ukrainian students need to have the appropriate qualities and characteristics that are components of their citizenship, civic culture and civic position. It is determined that civic education of students of general secondary education, in contrast to students of other educational institutions, has specific personality traits due to the presence of students with a qualitatively higher level of abilities. It is substantiated that the substantive elements of the education of civic responsibility are: tolerant attitude towards people, regardless of their language, gender, nationality, religion, political beliefs; respect for other people's private property; rule of law and observance of legal norms and laws; active participation in the socio-political life of society. The purpose of the article is to analyze the importance of civic education in the educational process for students of general secondary education. The methodology is based on the general principles and basic modern principles of pedagogical science, psychology, and reflects the relationship of methodological approaches to the study of scientific and methodological views of domestic scientists on the problem of civic education of students of general secondary education. Scientific novelty. It is substantiated that civic education is a necessary component of the educational process in general secondary education institutions. Conclusions. 1. The purpose of civic education is the formation of a conscious citizen, patriot, professional. 2. Civic education is a necessary component of the educational process in general secondary education. 3. There is a need for further development of national standards of citizenship and its implementation in educational practice at the level of formal, non-formal and informal education. 4. Civic maturity is a consequence of the formation of civic competence and culture of students of general secondary education.