Suchergebnisse

The objective of this work was to evaluate the dynamic of corn and bean production in Mexico. Retrospective analysis was conducted in order to identify critic points, changes and adjustments given in the sector, as a result of Mexican government policies. Data was obtained from SAGARPA, Bank of Mexico, Secretary of Economy and Food and Agriculture Organization. Indicators were evaluated, as annual average growth rate (TCMA) and growing indicators, trends and real prices were evaluated. When doing the analysis, it was considered as a variable the country as a whole. The data of plantings, production, prices and imports of corn and beans in Mexico between 1980 and 2014 was analyzed. The plantings of corn and beans showed a decrease of 1.8 million and 193 thousand hectares respectively, the performance of corn increased on 1.47 t/ha and for beans, and 160 kg/ha for corn production and had a TCMA of 1.8% equivalent to 10.1 million tons, and beans had a TCMA of 0.89% with an increase of 338 783 t. Corn and beans, at constant prices, had a decrease of 64.6% and 59.0%, the decreased was of 441.9 and 976.3 dollars per ton respectively. The imports of corn had a TCMA of 2.84% ending 2012 with 9.5 million tons, the imports of beans don't show any trend. The critic point of imports began with the North American Free Trade Agreement, where Mexico changed from a close economy to an open one, in which the government stimulates more imports, than national production. ; El objetivo de este trabajo fue evaluar la dinámica de la producción de maíz y frijol en México. Se efectuó un análisis retrospectivo para identi car los puntos críticos, los cambios y ajustes dados en el sector como resultado de las políticas del gobierno mexicano. Los datos fueron obtenidos de SAGARPA, Banco de México, Secretaría de Economía y de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Alimentación y la Agricultura. Se evaluaron indicadores de tasa de crecimiento media anual (TCMA), tendencia y precios constantes. Al realizarse el análisis nacional, se consideró como variable al país en su conjunto. Se analizaron los datos de superficie sembrada, producción, precios e importaciones de maíz y frijol en México entre los años 1980 a 2014. La superficie sembrada de maíz y frijol tuvo un decremento de 1,8 millones y 193 mil hectáreas, respectivamente; el rendimiento se incrementó para el maíz en 1,47 t/ha y en frijol 160 kg/ha, la producción de maíz tuvo una TCMA de 1,8% equivalente 10,1 millones de toneladas, el frijol tuvo una TCMA 0,89% con un incremento de 338 783 t. El maíz y frijol a precios constantes han tenido una disminución del 64,6% y 59,0%, correspondiente a 441,9 y 976,3 dólares por tonelada, respectivamente. Las importaciones de maíz tuvieron una TCMA de 2,8%, nalizó el 2012 con 9,5 millones de toneladas, las importaciones de frijol no mostraron ninguna tendencia. El punto crítico en las importaciones se dio con la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte, pasó de una economía cerrada a una abierta, donde se incrementaron más las importaciones que la producción nacional.

En el presente estudio se resalta la importancia de los cultivos energéticos como fuente de reactivación del desarrollo econó- mico de las zonas rurales. Se mencionan algunos cultivos no convencionales que se podrían implementar en tierras abandonadas de otras regiones para valorar su impacto económico en la generación de empleo. Primero se propone una definición y clasificación del concepto de cultivos energéticos, enfatizando los siguientes aspectos: superficie de cultivo, tipo de cultivo, regiones donde se desarrollan, y características de los nuevos cultivos. Después, se analiza la situación de los cultivos energéticos y sus perspectivas en España, examinando su impacto socioeconómico, con énfasis en la generación de empleo y el aprovechamiento de tierras agrícolas abandonadas.

The aim of this work was to determine whether the local agroecological conditions of the northeast of the Province of Buenos Aires (33 deg 41 min S, 59 deg 41 min W) permit the organic production of leek (cv. Monstruoso de Carentan) seeds. In the 2000/01, 2001/02 and 2002/03 growth seasons, percentage flowering and seed yield (g m-2) and quality were recorded, the latter by determining the thousand grain weight and germination capacity. In the 2001/02 and 2002/3 seasons, the phenological stages of the crop were also determined, as well as the number of hours of cold temperatures experienced and the number of degree days. Significant differences between years were found in the number of days from 50% fruit setting to harvest, probably because three harvests were collected during the first season whereas only one was collected during the second and third. A total of 1,116 and 1,019 hours of cold temperatures and 925 and 1,127 degree days were recorded for 2001/2 and 2002/3 respectively. There were no significant differences between years for yield, percentage flowering or thousand seed weight (average values 78.53 gm-2, 93.36% and 3.55 g respectively). Differences in germination capacity were recorded, but Argentine legislative requirements were always surpassed. Seed yield and quality were comparable to figures cited in the literature. In conclusion, the agroecological conditions of the northeast of the Province of Buenos Aires allow the normal, organic cultivation of this leek cultivar for seed. ; El objetivo de este estudio fue determinar si las condiciones agroecológicas locales (33 grados 41 minutos L.S.; 59 grados 41 minutos L.O.) permiten satisfacer los requerimientos fisiológicos de la producción de semillas de puerro, cultivado según las normas de la agricultura orgánica. Durante las campañas 2000/01, 2001/02 y 2002/03 se determinaron los porcentajes de floración; los rendimientos de semillas en gm-2 y la calidad, a través del peso de mil semillas y la germinación. En las campañas 2001/02 y 2002/03 se determinaron las etapas fenológicas, las horas de frío y los días grado. No se registraron diferencias estadísticas significativas (alfa = 0,05) entre años en la mayoría de las etapas fenológicas evaluadas. Existieron diferencias entre el 50% de cuaje y la cosecha, probablemente porque durante el primer año se realizaron tres cosechas, mientras que durante el segundo año se efectuó una sola. Se registraron 1.016 y 1.019 horas de frío y 925 y 1.127 días grado, durante las campañas 2001/02 y 2002/03, respectivamente. Los rendimientos (78,53 g m-2), porcentajes de floración (93,36%) y peso de semillas (3,55 g), no arrojaron diferencias estadísticas en tres años de medición. El poder germinativo tuvo diferencias entre años, aunque siempre superando los requerimientos de la legislación argentina. El rendimiento y la calidad de la semilla obtenidos son comparables a los citados en la bibliografía disponible. Las condiciones agroecológicas del noreste de Buenos Aires permiten el desarrollo normal del cultivo de puerro (cv. Monstruoso de Carentan) para la producción de semillas, cultivado según las normas de la agricultura orgánica.

Cassava (Manihot esculenta Crantz.) in Indonesia can be considered as a controversial crop. This crop has a tremendous yield potential of almost 100 t of fresh roots/ha, but official data show that its actual productivity is only 10-20% of its biological potential. It is considered to have multiple end uses, such as food, feed, raw material for industry and export. Very often, however, cassava farmers complain about the low and unstable price they receive for their product. A longer list can be developed concerning the contradictory nature of cassava. This in turn should be perceived as a special challenge to those who are more concerned about the improvement of people's living standards rather than the crop itself. Starting from 1973, the cassava production system in Indonesia has shown a declining annual growth rate for the harvested area (-0.41%), but an increasing rate for both production (1.53%) and yield (1.93%). Since the standard deviation of the rate is much greater than its average, values of the rate and its sign (positive and negative) should be considered as a trend indicator only, and they can not be used for prediction purposes. At present, cassava in Indonesia is harvested from around 1.2 million ha, producing around 15-17 million tonnes of fresh roots, as the yield is only about 12-13 t/ha. Most cassava is produced by small farmers that are weak in resources endowment, either in economic or social terms. Little purchased inputs, especially chemical or inorganic fertilizers, are applied, and as a result cassava production is frequently blamed as the cause of soil degradation. The crop is mostly grown in upland areas with undulating topography. Since its planting time should be compatible with the distribution of rainfall, the flexibility in planting and harvesting time is limited. As a consequence, the existence of a peak in planting and harvesting time is difficult to avoid. Abundance of cassava roots during the peak harvesting time results in low prices. From an individual farmer's point of view, his income is determined by his productivity level. Logically, any improvement in productivity should increase farmer's income. However, this rarely happens, because the price is governed by the total amount of roots produced. As price fluctuation is the result of supply and demand imbalance, any decrease in price can be perceived as an indicator of limited demand. There is a belief that cassava farmers, especially the low-income groups, are trapped in a vicious cycle: changes in yield-planted area-production, are countered by changes in prices which go up and down. This condition in turn prevents farmers from improving their income. If the opinion that demand is the most important limiting factor for production growth is true, the best solution should be a demand-led strategy. Demand for cassava in Indonesia is mainly in the areas of food, industry (mainly processing of starch and starch-based products), export and feed. Future prospects for using cassava as food will depend mainly on: (1) rice availability, since rice is the most preferred staple food for Indonesian people; and (2) cassava product development activities, as the social bias against cassava as being a food for the poor is strong and real. The existence of starch processing and starch-based industries, especially on a large scale, have been present for some time, but their role in improving farmers' welfare should be questioned. The growth in cassava exports will face two barriers: first, strong competition from Thailand, and secondly, the domestic price. Demand for cassava as a raw material for production of feed will depend on its price in relation to that of maize. It can be concluded that from the grower's view point cassava is a cash crop rather than a subsistence crop, and therefore the crop is a source of income rather than a source of food. As a consequence, every effort to improve the crop's performance should strife to ensure an increase in the grower's welfare. In addition, there has to be a significant increase in net income for individual farmers, due to a correct balance between production and demand. In fact, economic and social issues are the principal constraints. Unfortunately, these two issues are beyond the farmer's control. Concerted efforts among farmers, government and non-government organizations, research and development agencies, and others are urgently needed. While technical expertise should continuously be improved, much is known already to help increase the present productivity level towards its full yield potential.

The role of cassava in Indonesia is becoming more important, whether it is used for food, for industrial processing or for export. The government of Indonesia has established two policies in the agricultural sector, namely: food diversification and increased productivity in the uplands. Food diversification is needed to reduce dependency on rice as the principal food by way of utilizing various other carbohydrate sources, especially cassava. The policy to increase productivity in the uplands, on the other hand, is launched because the acreage of lowland rice fields has been declining over the years with the conversion of some of this land to non-agricultural use, especially on Java. One way of increasing productivity in the up lands is through crop diversification. However, this diversification program should not affect the current productivity of cassava, since cassava has always functioned as a dominant commodity produced in the uplands. For this reason, the intensification of cassava becomes necessary, through, for example, application of intercropping systems that use suitable plant types, varieties as well as appropriate cultural technologies. Efforts to improve cassava cultivars should be made and the methods to introduce them to the farmers should be improved. When cassava is meant to substitute for rice as a source of carbohydrate, a high-quality cultivar, characterized by low HCN in the roots, needs to be developed. On the other hand, when it is meant for industrial use, a high-yielding cultivar with high starch content, needs to be developed. Special cultivars may also need to be developed when cassava is to be grown under intercropping systems. Cassava breeding in Indonesia is presently done jointly by MARIF, CIAT and Brawijaya University in Malang. MARIF has recently released two new high-quality cultivars, named Malang 1 (parents: CM1015-19 x CM849-1) and Malang 2 (parents: CM922-2 x CM507-37). The selection program carried out by Brawijaya University has produced a number of promising cassava clones, labelled UB 1-2 (parents: MCol 22 x CM849-1), UB 15-10 (parents: CM586-1 x CM523-7), UB 477-2 (parents: CM1002-4), UB 881-5 (parents: CM849-1) and UB566-8 (parents: MBra 35). These clones show their greatest potential in the uplands of subhumid regions like East Java. UB 477-2 is a sweet clone, while clones UB 15-10 and UB 566-8 are suitable for growing under intercropping systems. These promising clones will not be released as high-quality cultivars before they undergo multi-location trials in at least 5 provinces, as stipulated by the Minister of Agriculture of the Republic of Indonesia.

A research report by the Equipo de Rendimiento Autonomico ([ERA] Study Group of Autonomous Performance). Results of research carried out in two stages are summarized: (1) "Reformas institucionales en Espana. Balance del Rendimiento Autonomico" (Institutional Reforms in Spain. A Stock-Taking of Autonomous Performance in the Years 1980-1995) & (2) assessment of institutional performance in 17 Autonomous Communities. The publication Informe Espana 1996, una interpretacion de su realidad social ([The 1996 Report on Spain. An Interpretation of Its Social Reality] Madrid: Fundacion Encuentro, 1997) is used to present findings in the former; public opinion on regional autonomy, legislative production by eight autonomous regional governments, characteristics of regional political elites, budget financing systems, & public administration are discussed. In the second phase, the effectiveness of autonomous governments to meet local/regional needs was assessed, as their performance was examined across a set of variables pertaining to endogenic & exogenic factors. Preliminary findings indicate that power consolidation & social effectiveness vary between the 17 autonomous communities surveyed. The self-rule & shared-rule aspects of Spanish federalism differ when viewed from the perspective of regional vs federal government: the former engages in both self-rule & shared-rule but shared-rule is lacking on the level of the central government. Tables, References. Z. Dubiel

El mundo deportivo cuenta con un carácter multidimensional que requiere habilidades físicas y psicológicas para mejorar y optimización el rendimiento de los atletas, el mindfulness o atención plena funciona como una alternativa efectiva en el control de los eventos internos de un atleta de alto rendimiento al prestar atención al momento presente por medio de la apertura a las experiencias como una vivencia en sí misma.
En este artículo se busca destacar la importancia de una preparación psicológica con técnicas de mindfulness, la cual surge debido a que el objetivo del mindfulness no consiste como tal en tratar de controlar los pensamientos, sensaciones o sentimientos de los atletas, tampoco en modificarlos o cambiarlos, sino que permite dejarlos fluir libremente aceptando cualquier pensamiento, sentimiento, emoción o sensación fisiológica que pueda aparecer de forma espontánea y a su vez enseñar a los usuarios a mantener la concentración en lo que debe hacer en el momento de acuerdo a lo que ocurra sin pensar en lo que fue o pudo haber sido, y pensar en su experiencia presente.
Los beneficios que este tipo de preparación trae y que un entrenador provee a través del mindfulness, la motivación y los seguimientos oportunos son: la salud mental, la salud emocional, la salud física, y el aumento en el rendimiento deportivo de los atletas de alto rendimiento.

Tras un conjunto de determinaciones multilaterales y bilaterales en la agenda internacional, Bolivia asumió el compromiso de aplicar una política de Estado en la lucha contra el narcotráfico, entendida como actividad de interdicción a la producción de cocaína y, sobre todo, como erradicación de cultivos de hoja de coca. Esta posición estatal evidenció la doble moral y contradicción frente a la sociedad, ya que el circuito coca-cocaína constituyó una fuente para el enriquecimiento de las elites durante el militarismo así como de prominentes políticos y empresarios durante el Estado neoliberal (peces gordos), y su participación quedó, en su mayoría, en la impunidad. Por otro lado, el Estado del militarismo y del neoliberalismo inducía a miles de personas a ingresar en el circuito coca-cocaína –particularmente en los niveles de producción primaria (elaboración de pasta base)–, quienes obligados por su situación de pobreza encontraron en esta actividad una última alternativa de sobrevivencia y superación de su estado de marginalidad. En los hechos, esta población fue en realidad la mayor "víctima" de los efectos de las políticas estatales. Y fue precisamente contra la población más pobre que el militarismo y el neoliberalismo aplicaron con dureza la acción de la maquinaria estatal (violencia física y jurídica) para eliminar el cultivo de coca que, como se vio en el anterior capítulo, fue el cultivo comercial que generaba los mayores ingresos económicos para los miles de campesinos colonizadores y campesinos sin tierra. La acción contestataria y de defensa de los campesinos colonizadores productores de coca, quienes confrontaron al Estado por sus políticas de erradicación, posibilitó cambios y ajustes continuos en las políticas de erradicación diseñadas. Asimismo, la resistencia social durante más de dos décadas posibilitó la emergencia de un sólido movimiento social de rechazo a la erradicación y al Estado neoliberal, cuya influencia generaría cambios a nivel regional y nacional.