Suchergebnisse

Background: China&rsquo ; s older rural-to-urban migrant workers (age 50 and above) are growing old, but comparative health research on older rural-to-urban migrants in China is still in its infancy. The aim is to explore the health status of older rural-to-urban migrant workers in China ; as well as to identify health disparity between older rural-to-urban migrant workers and older rural dwellers. Methods: This study employed self-assessed health status (SAH) and chronic disease condition to explore the health status. Coarsened exact matching (CEM) was employed to improve estimation of causal effects. Fairlie&rsquo ; s decomposition analysis was conducted to find the health disparity. Results: Older rural-to-urban migrant workers were more prone to suffer from chronic diseases, but they had higher SAH when comparing older rural dwellers. Fairlie&rsquo ; s decomposition analysis indicated 10.44% of SAH disparities between two older groups can be traced to bath facility ; 31.34% of chronic diseases disparities can be traced to educational attainment, sleeping time and medical scheme. Conclusions: This is the first comparative study examining health disparity focusing on older rural-to-urban migrant workers. Our study highlighted substantial health disparities between older rural-to-urban migrant workers and their older rural dwellers. Based on the contributing factors, government should take the drivers of health disparities into consideration in policy setting.

Background: China's older rural-to-urban migrant workers (age 50 and above) are growing old, but comparative health research on older rural-to-urban migrants in China is still in its infancy. The aim is to explore the health status of older rural-to-urban migrant workers in China; as well as to identify health disparity between older rural-to-urban migrant workers and older rural dwellers. Methods: This study employed self-assessed health status (SAH) and chronic disease condition to explore the health status. Coarsened exact matching (CEM) was employed to improve estimation of causal effects. Fairlie's decomposition analysis was conducted to find the health disparity. Results: Older rural-to-urban migrant workers were more prone to suffer from chronic diseases, but they had higher SAH when comparing older rural dwellers. Fairlie's decomposition analysis indicated 10.44% of SAH disparities between two older groups can be traced to bath facility; 31.34% of chronic diseases disparities can be traced to educational attainment, sleeping time and medical scheme. Conclusions: This is the first comparative study examining health disparity focusing on older rural-to-urban migrant workers. Our study highlighted substantial health disparities between older rural-to-urban migrant workers and their older rural dwellers. Based on the contributing factors, government should take the drivers of health disparities into consideration in policy setting.

This paper is concerned with identifying differentials in
levels and patterns of urban and rural fertility in Pakistan, based on
Pakistan Fertility Survey data. Findings show that there are marginal
differences in the over-all levels of fertility in the two areas.
However, younger urban women are reproducing at a higher rate than rural
counterparts, whereas older urban women use relatively more
contraception and have lower fertility than older rural women.

Abstract
Rural residents are typically construed as being more conservative than urban residents. Is this true, or do rural residents carry unique interests from Republicans or conservatives? Using the 2020 ANES, we compare responses from 22 national issues by interacting urban and rural residency with Republican and Democrat identification. We find that issue preferences are partisan, not place-based: rural Democrats resemble their urban counterparts and urban Republicans resemble their rural counterparts, rather than rural areas specifically being more Republican. However, rural Democrats are more conservative than urban Democrats on issues relating to immigration, transgendered people in the military, and income inequality. These results point to partisan nationalization in issue stances, with exceptions, and that rural is not always Republican.

AbstractUsing data from the 2016 China Family Panel Studies, this paper examines the relationship between government assistance, urban/rural residency, and charitable giving. The results indicate that urban/rural residency moderates the relationship between government assistance and charitable giving in China. Urban residents who do not receive government assistance are much more likely to donate to charity than their rural counterparts. While urban residents with government assistance also show a higher likelihood of giving than government assistance recipients in the rural area, the difference is much smaller than that between the urban and rural non‐recipients. More interestingly, the results show that although urban residents without government assistance donate more to charity, those who receive a high amount of government assistance on average donate less to charity than their rural counterparts.

SummaryWhatever proximate variables are examined, their differential effects on rural and urban fertility are small. This indicates that no major disturbance has taken place in urban or rural reproductive norms. However, two possible reasons for the converging pattern of rural and urban fertility in Nigeria are identified. One is that urban mothers in the first half of the childbearing age range have higher fertility than their rural counterparts. The other is that breast-feeding and post-partum abstinence, which are the major determinants of marital fertility, exert a more depressing influence on rural than urban fertility.

SummaryThe analysis based on data collected as a part of the World Fertility Survey programme in four Muslim populations—Bangladesh, Java, Jordan and Pakistan—did not show a consistent pattern in rural–urban differentials in marital fertility. While no significant differential in current fertility by place of current residence is noticeable in Bangladesh and Pakistan, urban women in Jordan showed lower fertility than their rural counterparts. Cumulative fertility, when controlled for duration of marriage, was found to be higher in urban than in rural areas of Bangladesh and Pakistan, but no clear pattern emerged in Jordan. In Java, both current and cumulative fertility were higher in urban than in rural areas; urban women who had spent their childhood and were brought up in the urban environment showed, in most instances, higher fertility than the other residence groups.

The "Red" versus "Blue" state debate has reached a fever pitch in popular commentary, but scholars have contributed very little to the discussion by way of examining rural voting behavior. With the use of national exit poll data, this study attempts to fill this considerable void, with a detailed analysis of rural voters in the 1992-2004 presidential elections. In 1992 & 1996 the rural vote was split between the parties, but in 2000 the rural vote shifted decidedly in favor of Republican George W. Bush & it stayed with the incumbent in 2004. This research on the voting behavior of rural voters in recent presidential elections documents & evaluates the many differences between rural & non-rural voters, & accounts for several of the factors leading to an increase in rural Republican voting in 2000 & 2004. The conventional wisdom that rural voters are more likely to be so-called values voters is true & this translates into greater Republican support. Further, on virtually every survey item in which their non-rural counterparts share the same survey response, rural voters are consistently more Republican in their presidential vote choice. Dissatisfaction with President Clinton -- termed Clinton fatigue -- was much more pronounced among rural voters & this was a major reason for the strong rural shift in favor of the Republican Party in 2000. Adapted from the source document.

The ``Red" versus ``Blue" state debate has reached a fever pitch in popular commentary, but scholars have contributed very little to the discussion by way of examining rural voting behavior. With the use of national exit poll data, this study attempts to fill this considerable void, with a detailed analysis of rural voters in the 1992-2004 presidential elections. In 1992 and 1996 the rural vote was split between the parties, but in 2000 the rural vote shifted decidedly in favor of Republican George W. Bush and it stayed with the incumbent in 2004. This research on the voting behavior of rural voters in recent presidential elections documents and evaluates the many differences between rural and non-rural voters, and accounts for several of the factors leading to an increase in rural Republican voting in 2000 and 2004. The conventional wisdom that rural voters are more likely to be so-called values voters is true and this translates into greater Republican support. Further, on virtually every survey item in which their non-rural counterparts share the same survey response, rural voters are consistently more Republican in their presidential vote choice. Dissatisfaction with President Clinton—termed Clinton fatigue—was much more pronounced among rural voters and this was a major reason for the strong rural shift in favor of the Republican Party in 2000.