Suchergebnisse

Both classicists and historians of Fascism have discussed at length how, in Fascist Italy, the nationalist myth of ancient Rome was used as a totalitarian ideology in order to legitimise racist and imperialist politics. Integrating their analysis with the history of political uses of Etruscan identity under Fascism can prove useful to enlighten the history of Italian nationalism and racism. In fact, the Etruscans were historically associated with a regional identity, and memorialised as enemies of Rome. Since the modern age, uncertainties about their ethnic origins and the interpretation of their language prompted an international debate between different racial theories. In Fascist Italy, the Etruscans were widely considered as autochthonous people, ethnically and culturally similar to the Italic and Roman people. They were also depicted as the direct racial forefathers of modern Italians and Tuscans. The regionalist, nationalist and racist enhancement of the Etruscan civilisation under Fascism clearly emerged in modern art, literature, and certainly from historiography, archaeology and anthropology. Nonetheless, as the Fascist regime aligned itself with Nazi Germany, the representation of the Etruscans as the ancestors of the Italian and Tuscan race had to face new racial theories. A complex debate between Italian and German racists concerned the Etruscans as a potentially alien body within the Italian race. After the fall of the Fascist regime and the end of the war, Italian scholars avoided to admit their political responsibilities, and pursued their nationalist approach ; Les antiquisants et les historiens du fascisme ont étudié le mythe nationaliste de la romanité en tant qu'élément central du régime fasciste et de son idéologie impérialiste et raciste. On se sert ici de leur analyse pour faire l'histoire des utilisations politiques de l'identité étrusque sous le fascisme. Le cas des Étrusques, anciens ennemis de Rome et historiquement associés à une identité régionale, peut éclairer le fonctionnement du ...

In the last five years, gender violence has represented one of the main topics of the Italian public and political debate. Its importance is due to its mobilizing power, often related to the security emergency against strangers by the mass media and the institutional politics. At the same time, it has been exploited to impose a moral and social control on women's sexuality. In October 2007, the murder of Giovanna Reggiani in Rome by a man living in an illegal nomad camp, became the core of a political and media alarm that drifted towards racist instigation against the so-called "gipsy" communities and their camps. Several attacks to nomad camps also degenerated into pogroms. In this violent and moralistic background, a different discourse was elaborated by the Italian feminist movement which organized, a month later, a demonstration called "Not in my name" against gender violence and racism, for the anniversary of the UN global day against women violence. The demonstration denounced the preeminence of gender violence between intimates in Italy, highlighting the importance of a feminist perspective in order to understand and contrast gender violence. Indeed, the historical connection between feminist experience, practice and knowledge and the definition of gender violence as a social problem is definitely intrinsic. This study aims at analyzing the contemporary political feminist discourse about gender violence which involves, at the same time, the redefinition of concepts and cognitive tools such as gender, feminism, queer, sexuality, norm, equality and difference. The analysis of documents and interviews to feminist activists reveals a deep criticism towards the heteronormative speech of gender, seen as the context in which gender violence is produced and naturalized. In conclusion, gender violence can be defined as a social construction that changes with social and cultural transformations depending on the political and social processes of emancipation and self-determination undertaken by women in the last four decades.

Riassunto In questo testo vengono presentati e discussi i tratti fondamentali di una "filosofia della convivenza" che mira a collocarsi al di fuori e al di là dei limiti imposti da ogni visione totalitaria del mondo e delle relazioni tra individui. L'autore illustra le condizioni per la costruzione di una forma di convivenza all'insegna del rispetto dei Diritti Umani, libera da violenza, razzismo e neo-colonizzazione. Il fondamento possibile per questa proposta di una filosofia della convivenza viene ritracciata nell'idea della ragionevolezza (Raisonnabilité), la quale si richiama da una parte al concetto aristotelico di phronesis, ma soprattutto al concetto di al-ta´aqul proposto da Al-Farabi e Ibn-Khaldun. Dalla sintesi di questi concetti deriva la proposta dell'autore incentrata sulla nozione di raisonnabilité che mira a restituire alla ragione la sua funzione etica, politica ed estetica, riportando alla luce la sua dimensione umana e umanistica.Parole chiave: Convivenza; Ragionevolezza; Politica; Diritti Umani; Islam. Towards a Reasonably Grounded CoexistenceAbstract - Under what conditions can people of different countries and parts of the world get along? The paper tries to work out an answer to this question which avoids taking a totalitarian perspective on the world or on the relationships between people. The author sets out the conditions for the construction of a form of peaceful coexistence in which human rights are respected and life is free from violence, racism and neo-colonization. The possible basis for the creation of this new system is the idea of reasonableness (Raisonnabilité), which relies on the Aristiotelian concept of phronesis, as well as to al-Farabi's and Ibn Khaldun's notion of al-ta´aqul. Author's position puts forward derives from the conjunction of these points of view and consists in a notion of raisonnabilité that aims at giving back to reason its ethical, political and esthetical functions, recovering its humane and humanistic dimensions.Keywords: Peaceful Coexistence, Reasonableness; Politics; Human Rights; Islam.

Riassunto: Michel Foucault, nelle lezioni tenute presso il Collége de France nel 1976, presenta una genealogia dei discorsi concernenti la guerra e la teoria della razza considerate nel loro sviluppo storico a partire dalla fine del XVI secolo. Il faut défendre la société di Foucault propone un modello specifico relativo alla funzione svolta dalla teoria della razza, interpretata adesso come tecnica di normalizzazione della diversità e non più come "evento eccezionale" sviluppata nell'epoca dei totalitarismi. Il presente contributo vuole sottolineare l'attualità dell'interpretazione di Foucault, mostrando come il concetto di bio-potere, già presente in queste lezioni, conservi un ruolo attivo e vitale nelle società "democratiche" contemporanee, in ragione delle loro coesione interna, basata su strategie che sviluppano dinamiche di "inclusione" ed "esclusione".Parole-chiave: Michel Foucault; Teoria della razza; Biopolitica; Banalità del male; Potere disciplinare Racism as a Social Defense Strategy. Michel Foucault and Current Forms of BiopowerAbstract - During his lessons held at the College de France in 1976 Michel Foucault presents a genealogy of two types of narratives, concerning respectively war and race theory, considered in their historical development from the XVIth Century. Foucault's work Il faut défendre la société outlines a specific model for the function of race theory, seen as a technique of normalization of diversity, and not longer as an "exceptional event" produced by the "totalitarian" narratives which arose in the XXth Century. This paper aims to stress the actuality of Foucault's position, trying to show how the concept of bio-power, already at work in these lessons, deserves an active and productive role in the analysis of contemporary "democratic" societies, because of the structure of their internal cohesion, based on strategies developing "inclusion"/"exclusion" dynamics.Keywords: Michel Foucault; Race Theory; Biopolitics; Banality of Evil; Disciplinary Power.

Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert den Umgang mit dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung durch die Europäische Union (EU) und den Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR). Derzeit befinden sich diese in einer heiklen Situation: Sie müssen das Gedenken an ein für die europäische Identität zentrales historisches Ereignis – den Holocaust – pflegen und schützen und zugleich die Achtung der Grundrechte, insbesondere der Meinungsfreiheit, gewährleisten. Diese besondere Situation erfordert eine gründliche Untersuchung des europäischen Umgangs mit dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung. Der erste Teil der Dissertation steckt den Anwendungsbereich der europarechtlichen Verpflichtungen zur Kriminalisierung der Holocaust-Leugnung ab. Bewertet wird insbesondere die Bedeutung des Rahmenbeschlusses 2008/913/JHA über Rassismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit für die EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Dabei werden einige Beispiele der Umsetzung in staatliches Recht dargestellt. Der zweite Teil der Arbeit befasst sich mit der Rechtsprechung des EGMR und untersucht das Verhältnis zwischen dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung und der Meinungsfreiheit mit dem Ziel, die Grundsätze, nach denen Staaten verpflichtet sind, entsprechende Äußerungen zu kriminalisieren, herzuleiten. Die übergreifenden Ziele der Untersuchung sind: a) den Charakter des Zusammenspiels zwischen EU und EGMR herauszuarbeiten; b) zu ermitteln, ob die jeweiligen Positionen gegensätzlich oder komplementär sind; c) die Rechtsnatur und den Inhalt der für die Mitgliedstaaten begründeten Verpflichtungen zu bestimmen; d) herauszuarbeiten, ob eine europaweite Kriminalisierung verpflichtend ist oder lediglich gefördert werden soll; und e) ob beziehungsweise unter welchen Bedingungen ein mit Kriminalstrafe sanktioniertes Verbot der Holocaust-Leugnung erstrebenswert wäre. ; The present study aims to analyse the legal treatment of the crime of denialism by the two main actors in European justice, namely, the European Union ('EU') and the European Court of Human Rights ('ECtHR'). Presently, these two systems find themselves in a delicate position: they must cherish and protect the memory of an historical event – the Holocaust – which is central to Europe's own identity, while simultaneously promoting respect for fundamental rights such as the freedom of speech. This unique balance raises a need for a thorough investigation into Europe's approach to the crime of denialism. The dissertation's first section seeks to measure the scope of EU-imposed obligations to make denialism a crime. Notably, the impact on EU Member States of the Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA on racism and xenophobia is assessed, with illustrations of a few archetypal examples of domestic implementing legislation. The second part of the dissertation turns to the jurisprudence of the ECtHR to examine the relationship between Holocaust denial as a crime and the right to freedom of expression, with a view to deducing the principles under which States must comply in the criminalization of this kind of utterance. The work's overall goals are to assess: a) the nature of interactions between the EU and ECtHR; b) whether their positions on denialism are better portrayed in terms of contrast or mutual support; c) the legal nature and content of the obligations originating for the Member States; d) whether a Europe-wide criminal prohibition on denialism is dictated or simply encouraged; and e) whether such a prohibition would be desirable, and if so, under what conditions.

Lo studio si inquadra nella prospettiva del local turn, secondo la quale le città sono chiamate a svolgere un ruolo sempre più importante nella definizione delle politiche pubbliche nell'integrazione dei migranti. Si concentra, in particolare, sul caso della città di Milano, nel tentativo di dimostrare se il sistema locale di accoglienza fornisca ai rifugiati gli strumenti adeguati a integrarsi nella comunità ospitante. Utilizzando una metodologia qualitativa, basata su interviste semi-strutturate con funzionari locali, attivisti di ONG, membri del Terzo settore e volontari, si è tentato nello specifico di comprendere se e come i rifugiati del sistema di accoglienza di Milano possano trovare un alloggio, al termine del processo istituzionale. In tal modo, si è anche tentato di capire come il Comune stia aff rontando le restrizioni al sistema di asilo italiano, la crisi del welfare, i sistemi di off erta di alloggi dominati dal mercato, il sentimento di sospetto o razzismo nei confronti degli immigrati, considerati come un peso o una minaccia per la società. ; This study is anchored on the perspective of local turn in migrant integration, which requires cities to play an increasingly important role in defining public policies. Consequently, the research focuses on the explorative case of the city of Milan, aiming to demonstrate whether its local system provides a toolbox for refugees to promote their integration in the host/majority milieus. Through a qualitative method, based on semi-structured interviews with politicians, local officers, NGO activists, volunteers, and refugees, we will try to understand élite and non-élite perspective about how and where the refugees of the reception system of Milan can find an accommodation, at the end of the institutional process. In this way, it will also be possible to understand how the municipality is facing the restrictions to the Italian asylum system, the crisis of the welfare, the market-dominated systems of housing provision and the suspiciousness or racism towards immigrants, considered as a burden or a threat for the society.

This interview with Clara Gallini explores the most significant traits of her life and studies. Starting with her exchanges with Ernesto de Martino and her first fieldworks in Sardinia, Clara Gallini takes us through some key moments in the history of Italian anthropology between the 1950s and 1970s, discussing issues of dense epistemological, political and ethical significance with respect to fieldwork and ethnographic writing. The scholar looks back at the years spent studying rituals in the Argia region, the Novenari and the relationship between the economic and the symbolic (Dono e malocchio [Gift and Jinx]), trying to investigate and describe a world – that of rural Sardinia – in transition. A phase culminating with the publication of Intervista a Maria (Interview with Maria) and the decision to move to the University of Naples. Clara Gallini's accounts also reveal how these new perspectives were connected to a need to rethink Marxist language and theories, also in light of an increasing interest in historical perspectives and methodologies – leading to her studies on Lourdes and on magnetism. From a perspective that combines the biographic with the scholarly dimension, the interview concludes by commenting on Clara Gallini's most recent works – such as her studies on racism and crosses – that continue to pay particular attention to the issue of the effectiveness of symbols. ; L'intervista a Clara Gallini attraversa alcuni momenti salienti della sua biografia e produzione scientifica. A partire dal rapporto con Ernesto de Martino e dalle prime ricerche in Sardegna, il suo racconto descrive alcuni passaggi rilevanti della storia dell'antropologia italiana tra gli anni Cinquanta e Settanta affrontando le dense questioni epistemologiche, politiche ed etiche della ricerca sul campo e della scrittura etnografica. Viene ripercorso il periodo segnato dagli studi sui riti dell'Argia, sui Novenari e sulla relazione tra l'economico e il simbolico (Dono e malocchio), per dar conto di un mondo (quello agro-pastorale sardo) in transizione; una stagione "meridionalista" che si concluderà con il libro Intervista a Maria e con la partenza per Napoli. Le narrazioni di Clara Gallini mostrano poi come questo spostamento è stato accompagnato da una rielaborazione del linguaggio e delle teorie marxiste, anche alla luce di un maggiore interesse verso le prospettive e le metodologie storiche, culminato con le ricerche su Lourdes e sul magnetismo. Infine, sempre intrecciando le dimensioni esistenziali e scientifiche, l'intervista tratteggia gli sviluppi più recenti del suo pensiero che, come dimostrano i lavori sul razzismo e sulle croci, continua a porre attenzione particolare ai temi dell'efficacia simbolica.

"Hilde Domin the committed writer" Political and literary issues in her correspondence with Günter Eich, Heinrich Böll and Erich Fried Lorenzo Bonosi1 Jewish-born Hilde Domin (1909-2006) returned to Germany in 1961 after more than twenty-three years of exile, spent in Italy, the UK, and the Dominican Republic. Ever since her first activities as a translator, poet and novelist, Domin criticized post-war Germany severely. Nevertheless, contrary to other exiled jewish-origin writers, Domin – who was defined as the 'Poetess of the return' by H.G. Gadamer – always proved to be ready to overcome and forgive, provided a systematic come-to-terms would take place in the newly-born Federal Republic of Germany. Despite Domin and Günter Eich were discussing the most urgent political issues of their time (eg. the role of the new left, the Middle East Issue, the German "Süsterhenn law" (for putting artistic liberty under the control of a moral law), they had a thoroughly different idea of poetry and engagement. Whereas Domin would openly take sides, Eich's lyric (including the Maulwürfe (1968)) never openly addressed a given, definite subject. It is no surprise thus that Eich always refused to interpret his own poems for the Domin-edited anthology Doppelinterpretationen (1965). The analysis of the discussion and the lyric work by Domin an Eich gives insight into the possible and actual role of poetry in contemporary society. Also with Heinrich Böll Domin debated relevant political issues of the time, but without any focus on the literary work as such. Domin was very critical towards the establishment of post-war (Western) Germany, mostly as Böll was, but, again, she expected him to explicitly take the field. The different idea of the writer vis-à-vis of society and politics becomes well evident with an open letter Domin wrote to Böll in 1971, to which he replied severely, stating that he wanted not to have any public image, nor to be one, and that Germany needed no preceptors. Thus, the major difference between Domin and Böll was their view of the intellectual's role in society. Contrary to Domin, Austrian exiled and London-based poet Erich Fried was programmatically writing – according to Domin – political poems. Their different view, both of technical literary issues, and of the political content becomes evident in the discussion about Fried's poems to be included in Domin's lyric anthology Nachkrieg und Unfrieden (1970), in which they discuss many literature topics, including poems by Paul Celan meant for the anthology. The correspondence deals with the so-called Roma-Affäre, an episode of racism against the Roma-community, the Middle-East Issue and the related German and Western positions, the Vietnam war, clarifying for instance the difference between poetry as such and the political poem. The study highlights Hilde Domin's relevant contribution to the discourse of memory in post-war Western Germany.

Sky Lee is one of ethnic writers who dare to challenge the long-run silence of marginalized group, by the means of writing in English about historical experience of her community. Her book, Disappearing Moon Café which was published in Vancouver in 1990, immediately caught the public attention and won the City of Vancouver Book Award while being nominated the Governor General's Literary Award. Lee, as a female writer, cares very much about females' struggle for identity from one generation to the next. With the influence of postcolonialism and women's movements, identity became more and more concerned by the minority groups. Postcolonialists hold that women from the Third World countries are under the dual oppressions. On the one hand, they are subjected to racial and cultural discrimination under Euro-American dominated society; on the other hand, they suffer from gender prejudice in both white hegemony and patriarchal doctrines. For more than one century of racial discrimination and segregation, Chinese Canadians have been on the brink of mainstream society. Whereas the females have a crueler condition as they are the victims of being marginalized from racism and gender prejudice simultaneously. In Disappearing Moon Cafe, all female characters have suffered self-loss to some extent. Therefore, how to construct its own identity becomes an urgent problem that needs to be solved. This thesis will introduce the living conditions of Chinese Canadian women and the identity crisis they encounter by the means of rereading the novel Disappearing Moon Cafe. Based on the theories of postcolonialism, feminism and other identity theories, this thesis will conduct a multi-dimensional study on the self-identification of Chinese Canadian women through the in-depth analysis and study of the novel Disappearing Moon Cafe. Mainly divided into two parts, it focuses on how Chinese Canadian women form their own identities in terms of cultural and gender perspectives. First of all, being aware of the conditions they are in, Chinese Canadians have to trace back to their origin and gain power from their own profound traditional culture while challenging and resisting the cultural hegemony in Canadian society. They should rediscover the silent history of its own ethnic culture and aware the great contribution the ancestors made to the development of Canada. Canadian born ethnic Chinese are easy to get confused for self-identity as they are not accepted by white race on account of physical appearance while being considered as not pure Chinese at the same time. Thus, they have to find a comfort in the marginalized state and establish the unique hybrid culture. Secondly, the prejudice toward females demands for a solution. This thesis summarizes three necessary approaches for the establishment of female identity by analyzing the image of women in Disappearing Moon Café: gaining for political, vocational and educative rights while awakening of female consciousness as well as breaking silence through female discourse. Nowadays, equality between races and sexuality is becoming increasingly important. While marginalized groups are receiving more attention in literature field, it is of great historical and practical significance to study the Chinese Canadian women's experiences in the mainstream culture of Canada while to explore their identity formation in both cultural and sexual perspective.

Il Premio è promosso allo scopo di sostenere un tipo di architettura definita "partecipata", caratterizzata da un approccio e da una metodologia di progetto che prendono in esame non solo gli aspetti architettonici di un luogo, ma anche quelli economici e sociali, abbattendo così le barriere multidisciplinari, contaminando i saperi e creando nuovi modelli di condivisione e cooperazione per un processo di riqualificazione urbana sostenibile. Focus del contributo che si presenta in queste pagine è l'interpretazione dell'esperienza del Premio in quanto opportunità di riflettere su una buona pratica che si può annoverare tra gli approcci di civic activation, seppur con i necessari distinguo rispetto alle canoniche iniziative in campo partecipativo. Lente attraverso cui è possibile innescare iniziative bottom-up di supporto o sostegno alle attività istituzionali, la civic activation diventa nodo fondamentale per creare la massa critica necessaria a costituire una buona base per il perseguimento degli interessi diffusi della comunità.L'obiettivo del paper è indagare sull'impatto che il Premio ha avuto nel costruire interesse e attivare sinergie da parte delle comunità urbane nei confronti della tematica del lungomare. Tale esperienza è significativa in quanto ha registrato una continuità delle partecipazioni, dell'interesse della comunità locale e dell'attualità dei temi anno per anno selezionati; ciascuno di essi ha saputo cogliere ed interpretare le emergenze socio-politiche del momento. Invitare i giovani professionisti e la comunità locale a sviluppare e valutare proposte di riqualificazione urbana per la propria città ha innescato un circuito di massa critica attiva, dibattiti, incontri ed una coscienza crescente rispetto alla questione urbana, sociale ed economica. ; The award "La Convivialità Urbana [Urban Conviviality]" is promoted in order to support a participated architecture characterized by a project approach and methodology that comprehend not only urban aspects of the place, but also economic and social, cutting down multidisciplinary walls, contaminating knowledge and creating new models of sharing and cooperation for a sustainable urban requalification process. Focus of this presenting paper is the interpretation of the experience of the award "Urban Conviviality" as opportunity to reflect on best practice within approaches of civic activation, even if necessarily distinguished by the prescribed initiatives in the field of participation search shows that this shift goes hand-in-hand with a review of the integration policies in the country. The politics of integration correspond in fact to a policy response to various social problems (such as discrimination, racism, intolerance. Lens through which is possible to trigger bottom-up initiatives as support to institutional activities, the civic activation becomes nodal point for creating critical mass necessary to construct a good base for the pursuit of community widespread interests. The objective of this paper is to investigate the impact that the award has had in achieving community interest and activate synergies related to the issue of waterfront. This experience is meaningful because it has been registered a continuity in the participation, local community interest and relevance of year-by-year selected themes; each of them could catch and interpret the current socio-politic emergences. Calling young professions and local community to develop and evaluate urban requalification proposals for their city, has trigged a circle of critical mass, debates, meeting and growing awareness related to urban, social and economic issue.

I cosiddetti "zoo umani" rappresentarono un fenomeno di vastissima diffusione e popolarità nell'Europa delle grandi esposizioni nazionali, internazionali e universali a partire dalla metà dell'800. Forme spesso brutali di pubblica esibizione di esemplari di umanità selvaggia, gli "zoo umani", completi di "villaggi" ricostruiti nel dettaglio e popolati di "indigeni" importati come animali da esposizione, costituirono un ingrediente importante – per quanto raccapricciante – della mentalità e dell'auto-rappresentazione dell'Occidente "progredito", imperialista e colonizzatore. Grazie a questo libro, dopo che numerosi studi hanno indagato il fenomeno in larga parte del mondo occidentale (Germania, Francia, Inghilterra, Stati Uniti, Spagna, Svizzera, Russia, Danimarca) disponiamo ora della prima ricerca sistematica sulle "esposizioni umane" nell'Italia liberale e fascista, viste non solo nella loro funzione politico-ideologica, ma anche in rapporto ai loro antecedenti storici più antichi e nella varietà di declinazioni che, ben oltre la nozione restrittiva di "zoo umani", esse assunsero nel mondo dello spettacolo, in quello delle attività missionarie oltremare e negli ambienti della ricerca medica e antropologica. L'interesse suscitato dal libro ne ha reso necessaria una seconda edizione riveduta e accresciuta e con una Prefazione di Sandra Puccini. ll volume è attualmente in corso di traduzione presso la prestigiosa casa editrice inglese Routledge.

The so-called "human zoos" represented an incredibly widespread and extremely popular phenomenon in 19th-early 20th century Europe, at the age of the great national, international and universal exhibitions, of which they were a recurrent and a nearly constant element. The "human zoos" were brutish forms of public exhibitions of specimens of "savage" (mostly African) humans purposely imported as exotic animals from overseas by specialised merchants and entrepreneurs and hosted in "indigenous villages" very carefully and minutely reproduced within the exhibition areas. Such public displays - true ethno-anthropological shows in which the exotic actors were supposed to "play" their native daily habits, craftsmanship, arts, dances, songs and religious rites - contributed in an important albeit appalling way to Western Europe self-perception as an advanced, modern and "civilsed" society and culture, to be efficaciously contrasted with primitive or just diverse forms of human ways of living. The expanding, aggressively militarist, imperialist and colonising West could proudly look at itself in the mirror offered by the spectacle of a human alterity exhibited in its most demaning forms; and in that contrast it could find a clear confirmation of the importance of its civilising mission in the world. Several recent books have explored this phenomenon in the social and cultural history of many West-European and American countries: Great Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Switzerland, Denmark, the United States. This book for the first time investigates the great variety of living human public exhibitions in 19th-20th century Italy, between the liberal era and Fascism. It connects these examples of public exhibitions to an ancient tradition of triumphs and freak shows and underlines the close relationships with colonial politics and ideology, with the development of anthropology and the medical sciences as academic disciplines in Italy and with catholic missionary activities in Africa, the Near East and South America. In so doing this book suggests the need to enlarge the very notion of "human zoos", which aptly defines a particularly brutal, even if very common form of living human exhibition, but which cannot be applied to other, themselves very widespread aspects of human shows, such as ethnic theatre, missionary exhibitions and colonial-imperial exhibitions based not so much on the public show of a degraded savagery, but on the apology of the civilising capacity of colonial and imperial institutions. In so doing, this book offers an original insight into Italian public opinion and sensibilities in matters of human varieties, race, civilization, globalization, modernity and the non-European world; and it tries to assess, in comparison with other European cases, the specifities of Italian attitudes toward human ethnic diversities and colonialism. The book is enriched by a very large section of "Illustrations" reproducing original and often previously unpublished images and archive documents; and it is closed by a wide, 50 pages bibliography. ; I cosiddetti "zoo umani" rappresentarono un fenomeno di vastissima diffusione e popolarità nell'Europa delle grandi esposizioni nazionali, internazionali e universali a partire dalla metà dell'800. Forme spesso brutali di pubblica esibizione di esemplari di umanità selvaggia, gli "zoo umani", completi di "villaggi" ricostruiti nel dettaglio e popolati di "indigeni" importati come animali da esposizione, costituirono un ingrediente importante – per quanto raccapricciante – della mentalità e dell'auto-rappresentazione dell'Occidente "progredito", imperialista e colonizzatore. Grazie a questo libro, dopo che numerosi studi hanno indagato il fenomeno in larga parte del mondo occidentale (Germania, Francia, Inghilterra, Stati Uniti, Spagna, Svizzera, Russia, Danimarca) disponiamo ora della prima ricerca sistematica sulle "esposizioni umane" nell'Italia liberale e fascista, viste non solo nella loro funzione politico-ideologica, ma anche in rapporto ai loro antecedenti storici più antichi e nella varietà di declinazioni che, ben oltre la nozione restrittiva di "zoo umani", esse assunsero nel mondo dello spettacolo, in quello delle attività missionarie oltremare e negli ambienti della ricerca medica e antropologica.

L'obiettivo di questa tesi dottorale è sottoporre ad analisi la precoce e progressiva dinamica di "razzializzazione" della società coloniale messicana. Quella della Nuova Spagna del XVI e della prima metà del XVII secolo era una società che si caratterizzò sin dai suoi esordi per la sua estrema diversità culturale e biologica, con le popolazioni indigene mesoamericane, africane, europee e asiatiche che diedero vita ad un processo conosciuto nel mondo storiografico come mestizaje che rifletteva i caratteri di questa nuova società culturalmente e biologicamente eterogenea. Questa ricerca dottorale nasce a partire dall'osservazione di questo fenomeno e insiste sulla necessità di analizzare il progressivo processo di razzializzazione della società novoispana tra XVI e XVII secolo. Il tribunale dell'Inquisizione messicano, istituzione religiosa e politica al medesimo tempo, funge da terreno privilegiato di esplorazione del contesto sociale della Nuova Spagna. Il Sant'Uffizio attraverso il suo articolato reticolo di commissari e familiares fu in grado di raccogliere delazioni, accuse e confessioni: una ricchissima documentazione oggi conservata a Città del Messico. La lettura di processi e denunce ci rivela informazioni preziose circa temi quali composizione sociale, percezione dell'altro e della diversità umana e culturale, propagazione di pratiche di discriminazione su basi etniche e religiose che a volte assunsero la forma di manifestazioni di razzismo ben prima della sua teorizzazione scientifica. Tutto questo non attraverso i testi dei grandi pensatori del tempo bensì tramite i pensieri e le parole della gente comune. Fine ultimo della tesi, quindi, non è presentare una storia "razziale" dell'Inquisizione, ma esaminare la diffusione di stereotipi, pregiudizi, discriminazioni attraverso la ricostruzione di storie afromessicane translocali con un approccio metodologico che si rifà alla tradizionale microstoria italiana in un nuovo terreno di più ampie connessioni e comparazioni a livello atlantico e in parte globale nell'epoca della mondializzazione. ; This doctoral dissertation aims to analyze the progressive process of racialization of colonial Mexico society. New Spain society between the sixteenth and seventeenth century was characterized by a deep cultural and biological diversity, thanks to the Mesoamerican indigenous populations, Africans, Europeans and on a smaller scale Asians which gave life to a process historiographically known as mestizaje, which revealed the features of this new culturally and biologically mixed society. This doctoral research stems from the observation of this phenomenon and insists on the need to study the process described above. The Mexican Inquisition, a religious and political institution at the same time, acts as a rich field of observation of New Spain social context. The Holy Office, thanks to its network of commissioners and familiares, was able to collect a great deal of denunciations, charges, and confessions: an extremely rich archive stored nowadays in Mexico City. On the one hand, the reading of these trials reveals precious information about the social composition, the perception of the other as well as the cultural and human diversity. On the other hand, it allows to reflect on the spread of discrimination practices based on ethnical and religious reasons which sometimes acquired the shape of displays of racism long before its scientific theorization. As a result, this doctoral thesis aims to analyze the dissemination of stereotypes, prejudices, and discriminations through the reconstruction of trans-local Afromexican microhistories, thanks to a methodological approach which relates to the traditional Italian microhistory in a new field of broader connections in the age of the mondialisation of the world.

La ricerca ricostruisce in chiave genealogica i fondamenti teorici e concettuali della cosiddetta tradizione radicale nera del XX secolo, qui interpretata come una critica della modernità, attraverso l'analisi del pensiero politico dell'abolizionismo nero. Più precisamente, è ricostruito dal punto di vista della storia dei concetti politici moderni il pensiero politico prodotto dai principali esponenti delle lotte contro la schiavitù condotte nello spazio transnazionale dell'Atlantico tra la seconda metà del XVIII e la prima metà del XIX secolo. L'abolizionismo nero è letto come un pensiero politico articolato secondo una costante appropriazione sovversiva del lessico e dei concetti politici moderni. Si mostra che la critica nera agisce secondo due linee costanti: lo 'sdoppiamento' dei concetti politici (cioè un movimento di appropriazione e trasformazione) e la sovversione degli assetti spaziali della modernità (cioè la rottura della distinzione tra Stato e colonia). Gli elementi di maggiore originalità del lavoro sono individuabili tanto sul piano contenutistico quanto su quello metodologico. Anzitutto, si tratta del primo studio dell'abolizionismo nero visto da una prospettiva atlantica e di storia concettuale. Il lavoro analizza inoltre diverse tipologie di fonti (petizioni, autobiografie, proclami militari, regolamenti amministrativi, discorsi, romanzi e slave songs) solitamente marginali nella Storia delle dottrine politiche. La tesi è strutturata il quattro capitoli. Nel primo capitolo è presentata un'analisi per temi e concetti del radicalismo nero novecentesco. I tre capitoli successivi sono invece dedicati all'abolizionismo nero e sono strutturati secondo una scansione cronologica volta a individuare tre momenti di discontinuità. Il secondo capitolo discute l'emergere della critica nera durante la rivoluzione americana e all'interno del movimento antischiavista britannico. Il terzo capitolo è invece dedicato alla Rivoluzione di Haiti, interpretata come cesura fondamentale nella storia dell'abolizionismo nero. Il quarto capitolo analizza infine il movimento abolizionista afroamericano. ; The dissertation provides a genealogy of the theoretical and conceptual foundations of the black radical tradition through a reconstruction of the political discourse and practices of the main black abolitionists of the Atlantic World from the so-called Age of Revolutions to the end of the American Civil War. In particular, the black radical tradition is conceived as a peculiar critique of modernity. Indeed, black critique highlights the constitutive duplicity of modernity (i.e. European and colonial) and produces both a 'provincialization' and a transformation of the basic concepts of modern political thought (such as freedom, equality, democracy, nation). In this way, the research shows that black abolitionism is a political thought characterized by two elements: the subversion of modern spatiality and the "doubling" of political concepts. On the one hand, black abolitionism overturns the conceptual distinction between the State, as the space of order, and the colony, as an irrational and uncivilized place. In other words, it shows that slavery, colonialism, and racism are not peripheral moments of modernity but instead one of its foundations. On the other hand, black abolitionists used different political lexicons to communicate a struggle for self-liberation which had its own conceptual originality. The dissertation is structured in four chapters. The first provides a definition of the theoretical foundations of black radicalism in the XX Century, and is focused on some of its main figures. The other chapters provide a reconstruction of the political thought of black abolitionism, defined by three moments of discontinuity. The second chapter is dedicated to the black abolitionists within the American Revolution and the British abolitionist movement. The third chapter is on the Haitian Revolution, conceived as the fundamental turning point in the history of black abolitionism and its critique of modernity. The last chapter is on the African American abolitionist movement.

La presente indagine mira ad esaminare, in chiave innovativa, i rapporti tra l'Europa ed un reato prettamente europeo: il negazionismo. Sviluppatosi in maniera assolutamente predominante nel nostro continente, le ragioni della sua diffusione sono molteplici. Al di là della lotta a razzismo ed antisemitismo, il motivo principale va identificato nel ruolo "fondativo" che riveste la memoria dell'Olocausto in Europa, collocata nel cuore dell'universo valoriale su cui si reggono i due principali attori europei, ovverosia l'Unione europea e la Corte europea dei diritti dell'uomo. La ricerca, dunque, ruota attorno a due poli tematici. Da un lato, sono state esaminate le politiche normative dell'Unione europea in materia di razzismo e xenofobia, entro cui spicca la promozione dell'incriminazione del negazionismo "allargato", cioè esteso alle condotte di negazione non solo dell'Olocausto, ma anche degli altri crimini internazionali. Dall'altro lato, l'analisi della trentennale giurisprudenza della Corte di Strasburgo in materia ha evidenziato come, con riguardo alle manifestazioni negazioniste, sia stato elaborato uno "statuto speciale", che si risolve nel perentorio diniego di tutela per questa categoria di opinioni, sottratte a monte all'ordinario giudizio di bilanciamento in quanto giudicate incompatibili con i valori sottesi alla CEDU. Lo scopo di questo lavoro riposa nel tentativo di individuare le interazioni tra questi due sistemi istituzionali, per interpretare una tendenza che converge con nettezza verso un incremento della repressione penale della parola. Da questo complesso intreccio di norme e principi, di hard law e soft law, sarà possibile enucleare la natura giuridica ed il contenuto delle richieste di incriminazione rivolte agli Stati membri. Una volta appurato che agli Stati è concesso di restringere il campo di applicazione del reato di negazionismo, adottando degli indici di pericolosità delle condotte, sarà analizzata la tenuta di questi "elementi opzionali del reato" alla luce dei principi penalistici di tassatività, materialità, offensività e laicità. ; The present study aims to analyse the legal treatment of the crime of denialism by the two main European actors, namely the European Union ('EU') and the European Court of Human Rights ('ECtHR'). These two systems find themselves in a delicate position that raises a need for deep investigation. They have to cherish and protect the memory of a historical event that is central to their own identity, whereas at the same time promoting the respect of fundamental rights such as freedom of speech. The first section seeks to identify the obligations stemming from the EU legal system, the institutional mandate of which is to harmonise criminal legislation of Member States by setting some basic common elements. Notably, the impact on domestic systems of the Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA on racism and xenophobia shall be assessed. The second part of the present research shall turn to the jurisprudence of the ECtHR to examine the relationship between Holocaust denial as a crime and the right to freedom of expression, with a view to deducing the principles with which States have to comply in the criminalisation of this kind of utterance. The overall goals shall be to identify: a) the interactions between these two systems; b) whether their policies on denialism may be better portrayed in terms of contrast or mutual support; c) the legal nature and content of the obligations originating for the Member States; d) whether a Europe-wide criminal prohibition on denialism appears likely to occur, whether it would be desirable and, if so, under which conditions.