Suchergebnisse

Op dit moment lijken onderwerpen als integratie, discriminatie, identiteit en diversiteit meer dan ooit het publieke en politieke discours te beheersen. Of het nu gaat om de Zwarte Piet-discussie, de toenemende tweedeling in het onderwijs, het afschaffen van de term 'allochtoon', treitervloggers, of de worsteling van het establishment met partijen als Denk en Artikel 1, (de aanpak van) discriminatie is en blijft een zeer actueel maatschappelijk en sociaalwetenschappelijk vraagstuk.

This study reports the results of qualitative interviews with 28 extreme right wing activists in Flanders (Belgium). We focus on the (ideological) motives for activism (why did they become active?) & the trajectory followed in becoming active (how did they become active?). The results show that these activists are primarily motivated by ethnic nationalism. All other ideological stands (e.g., rejection of foreigners, authoritarian attitudes & rejection of actual politics in Belgium) seem to be derived from this core of ethnic nationalism. The trajectory followed is primarily one that relates to socialization & continuity: most interviewees grew up in a family in which nationalism was of primordial importance. A minority of respondents, however, followed trajectories that refer to compliance or to conversion (deprivation). Adapted from the source document.

In light of the European emergence of extreme right-wing parties, Dutch & Flemish works are reviewed, focusing on the situation in Flanders. In Racistische partijen in West-Europa. Tussen nationale traditie en Europese samenwerking ([Racist Parties in Western Europe between National Tradition and European Cooperation] Leiden, Netherlands: Stichting Burgerschapskunde, 1993), Frank Elbers & Meindert Fennema view extreme Right parties as single-issue (ie, migrants) parties characterized by racism. Their work is found insightful on an international level, but too general regarding the situation in Flanders; further, revision is necessary to account for developments around & since the 1994 European elections. Patrick Stouthuysen's Extreem-rechts in na-oorlogs Europa ([The Extreme Right in Postwar Europe] Brussels, Belgium: VUB, 1993) views extreme Right parties as protest parties with a very unreliable electorate &, therefore, little chance to become influential. The book is balanced in its organization, but the lack of empirical data is deplored & the situation in Flanders is not addressed; although it is suggested that the perspective of right-wing parties as protest parties applies to Flanders as well as to the rest of Western Europe. Jos Vander Velpen's Daar komen ze aangemarcheerd. Extreem-rechts in Europa ([They're Marchin' In. The Extreme Right in Europe] Berchem-Breda, Netherlands: EPO 1992), a work of critical journalism in the Marxist tradition, is found rather one-sided & predictable in its perspective on modern Europe as a new bulwark of nationalism & foreigner hate, but the extensive analysis of the Flemish extreme Right party Vlaams Blok is deemed valuable. Rinke Van den Brink's De internationale van de haat. Extreem-rechts in West-Europa ([The Internationalization of Hate. The Extreme Right in Western Europe] Amsterdam, Netherlands: Uitgeverij SUA, 1994) is a compilation of articles about Western European right-wing parties & interviews with their members & leaders previously published in the critically liberal Dutch magazine Vrij Nederland. The book primarily shows the public image sought & projected by right-wing parties, emphasizing the Vlaams Blok. Strategies toward eradicating extreme right-wing parties are discussed. S. Paul

Social mechanisms that have generated the social construction of threatening immigrants in Europe are described, focusing on the situation in Flanders, Belgium, using Pierre Bourdieu's (eg, 1985 [see abstract 86Q6505]) semiotic-praxiological theory of the construction of social space & the genesis of social groups as a theoretical framework. Similarities between historical & socioeconomic conditions in the 1930s & 1980s are related to the repeated emergence of the theme of the "migrant problem" in political discourse; at the end of the 1930s, it referred exclusively to the Jews who had migrated from Eastern Europe & Germany, whereas in the 1980s, it was used for Muslim (Turkish & Moroccan) guest workers hired in the 1970s. It is argued that, in both cases, the discourse of the threatening immigrant attempts to redraw the social space by targeting the economic, & hence, the cultural & social, capital of the target groups. Socioeconomic change is used to legitimize anti-Judaism/-Islamism, resulting in a (cultural) racism that fuels ethnonationalism. 35 References. Adapted from the source document.