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International audience ; Anti-racism as a political discourse and a form of collective social action has long been ignored as a serious field of research. In contrast, I envision the study of anti-racism as a vital lens on both 'race' and racism. First, the heterogeneity of anti-racism is demonstrated, spanning both pro- and anti-state-based analyses of the origins of racism. Second, a parallel discourse of 'anti-anti-racism' within the radical Left reveals the reluctance of many on the Left to identify the anti-racist project with anything other than its officialized, state-endorsed version. This raises important questions about the possibility for autonomy from paternalist control in the construction of radical anti-racisms. The article examines the relationship to anti-racism within these three shifts from anti-racism, to anti-anti-racism, to post-anti-racism. It asks what conclusions can be drawn about the status of anti-racism today: has it indeed exceeded its political utility, or is it a political project that is, in fact, yet to be born?

Cet essai revisite le rôle de la racisation en Amérique Latine et la met en corrélation avec le multiculturalisme. Le multiculturalisme officiel ne mène pas nécessairement à la réduction du racisme et peut se cantonner à des expressions purement rhétoriques. Il convient de recentrer la question du racisme et le concept de race en tant que phénomènes ayant leur propre histoire et dimension sociale. Cet article s'attèle à analyser comment ce concept s'est inscrit en marge des débats relatifs aux inégalités en Amérique Latine et pourquoi il convient de penser l'Amérique Latine comme partie intégrante de l'Amérique noire. Plus encore, comment le concept de race s'est manifesté en Amérique Latine bien audelà du prévisible. Il s'avère également que les questions de race et de racisme gagnent de l'ampleur dans la sphère publique en Colombie (et au Brésil). Le multiculturalisme doit être compris comme un champ de bataille, afin de définir ses conséquences politiques.

"Racism after Apartheid, volume four of the Democratic Marxism series, brings together leading scholars and activists from around the world studying and challenging racism. In eleven thematically rich and conceptually informed chapters, the contributors interrogate the complex nexus of questions surrounding race and relations of oppression as they are played out in the global South and global North. Their work challenges Marxism and anti-racism to take these lived realities seriously and consistently struggle to build human solidarities."

This article returns to one of the common figures of speeches justifying restrictive migration policies since the 1970s: the figure of the 'Average Français', which would be 'subject' or 'inclined' to racism. ; Cet article revient sur une des figures communes des discours justifiant les politiques migratoires restrictives depuis les années 1970 : la figure du "Français moyen" qui serait "sujet" ou "enclin" au racisme.

Forty years after the passage of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act and fifty years after the historic Brown v. Board of Education decision, members of racial minority groups are still disproportionately disadvantaged in American society. Despite official civic integration, despite a massive shift in the terms of public discourse, despite a publicly avowed moral and cognitive reorientation on the part of a significant number of whites, neighborhoods and schools are more segregated than ever, whites still control an overwhelming percentage of this country's wealth and hold a virtual monopoly on elite corporate and governmental positions, the distribution of income and health care is still dramatically unequal, and a disproportionate number of people of color live in poverty. Something is wrong. But what, exactly?

In 1956, Jaques Lacan developed the The Graph of Desire, where he explains how Human Nature is tied to a logical order. This system is what we called language, however this must not be misunderstood, as english or others but more as a structure where the individual creates associations that allows them to find a place in the world. The language and its order, is where intolerances like racism, classism and others situate, not as words belonging to the mainstream language, but to the actions that respond to the symbolic and logical order of the language. There's a need to study and reformulate the action of racism, and recognize the political use of oppression in the person's constitution. As a counselor in training, there is a need to know how this logical order situates the victim and the oppressor in their own personal development. In 1977, Foucault publishes 'Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison' where he explains the sociological and political function of gender, race, and their relationship with power. My proposition is not in those fields, but suggest keeping this in hand to understand in depth the location, challenges, and complexes the client in session can have.

While ignorance, or at least a lack of clear and distinct experience, does not seem to have stopped our predecessors from philosophizing about all manner of things from matter to immortal souls, in the latter half of the twentieth century North American philosophers became increasingly timid about advancing propositions based primarily not on logic informed by material evidence but on intuition, creative imagination, and passionate desire. By the 1960s our generation's teachers and mentors, perhaps battered by the McCarthy years or humbled by the dazzling successes of their colleagues in the "hard" sciences, had redrawn the disciplinary boundaries tightly enough to make almost any speculative work fall outside the realm of legitimate philosophy and into the realm ofliberal politics or sociology (read: soft-headed nonsense) or that of literature (read: girl stuff). In this way they sought to purify and legitimate the discipline. Even still, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, North American continentalists labor under and around these intellectual and institutional (and highly gender-coded) dividing practices and defensive barriers; much of our work is still considered by about 90 percent of our Anglo-American philosophical contemporaries to be irrational poeticizing or manipulative politicizing. And of course in most circles our masculinity is still in serious doubt.

This article offers a conjunctural analysis of the financial and political crisis within which Brexit occurred with a specific attentiveness to race and racism. Brexit and its aftermath have been overdetermined by racism, including racist violence. We suggest that the Leave campaign secured its victory by bringing together two contradictory but inter-locking visions. The first comprises an imperial longing to restore Britain's place in the world as primus inter pares that occludes any coming to terms with the corrosive legacies of colonial conquest and racist subjugation. The second takes the form of an insular, Powellite narrative of island retreat from a "globalizing" world, one that is no longer recognizably "British". Further, the article argues that an invisible driver of the Brexit vote and its racist aftermath has been a politicization of Englishness. We conclude by outlining some resources of hope that could potentially help to negotiate the current emergency.

This article offers a conjunctural analysis of the financial and political crisis within which Brexit occurred with a specific attentiveness to race and racism. Brexit and its aftermath have been overdetermined by racism, including racist violence. We suggest that the Leave campaign secured its victory by bringing together two contradictory but interlocking visions. The first comprises an imperial longing to restore Britain's place in the world as primus inter pares that occludes any coming to terms with the corrosive legacies of colonial conquest and racist subjugation. The second takes the form of an insular, Powellite narrative of island retreat from a 'globalising' world, one that is no longer recognisably 'British'. Further, the article argues that an invisible driver of the Brexit vote and its racist aftermath has been a politicization of Englishness. We conclude by outlining some resources of hope that could potentially help to negotiate the current emergency.

This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in Routledge Handbook of Language and Politics on 22/08/2017, available online: http://routledge.com/9781138779167 ; This chapter will examine race and racism and the relations between social ideas (e.g. the existence of races; the association of qualities/characteristics with particular racial/ethnic/religious groups), social stratification based on these ideas, and discourse. After introductory and contextualising sections, where we introduce the historic and conceptual bases of the subject, the empirical and analytic sections of the chapter will be structured in such a way that we gradually examine levels and details that the reader may not have initially considered. We start with the most obviously prejudicial texts, produced and circulated by European extreme-right political parties. Next, we will examine a case which appears to have a racial dimension without race being explicitly articulated: a televised interview with the actor Samuel L Jackson, in which the interviewer mistook him for Laurence Fishburne. Finally, we will consider British conservative broadsheet newspapers' reporting of a conflagration of the Israel/Palestine conflict ('Operation Cast Lead'), and the ways they related this act of reporting to acts of antisemitism. The chapter will thus progressively move to less conspicuous and more dilemmatic waters, and in so doing demonstrate the value of close analysis when examining discourse on this topic.