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In: The political quarterly, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 52-58
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: Midwest journal of political science: publication of the Midwest Political Science Association, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 205
In: Princeton Legacy Library
The author finds that agrarian radicalism develops most readily in a way analogous to industrial class struggle: through the economic clash of homogeneous and polarized groups within the agrarian sector Originally published in 1985. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton.
"With racial justice struggles on the rise, a probing collection considers the past and future of Black radicalism. Black rebellion has returned, with dramatic protests in scores of cities and campuses, bringing with it a renewed engagement with the history of Black radical movements and thought. Here, key scholarly voices from a wide array of disciplines recalls the powerful tradition of Black radicalism as it developed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries while defining new directions for Black radical thought. In a time when activists in Ferguson, Palestine, Baltimore, and Hong Kong immediately make connections between their movements, this book makes clear that new Black radical politics are thoroughly internationalist and redraws the links between Black resistance and anti-capitalism. Featuring the key voices in the new intellectual wave of Black radical thinking, this collection outlines one of the most vibrant areas of thought today. With contributions from Cedric Robinson, Elizabeth Robinson, Steven Osuna, Nikhil Pal Singh, Damien Sojoyner, Françoise Vergès, Fred Moten, Stefano Harney, Jordan T. Camp, Christina Heatherton, George Lipsitz, Greg Burris, Paul Ortiz, Darryl C. Thomas, Thulani Davis, Avery Gordon, Shana L. Redmond, Kwame M. Phillips, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Angela Davis, and Robin D.G. Kelley"--Provided by publisher
In: Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai. Studia Europaea, Band 62, Heft 3, S. 151-176
ISSN: 2065-9563
In: Public policy, Band 18, S. 301-319
ISSN: 0033-3646
This riset proves that communicative da'wah (Islamic communication) is the most effective way in combating radicalism since it prioritizes the persuasive, rational, and dialogical approaches. The Western and Muslim scholars propose several methods in combating radicalism in religion. Karen Armstrong in his book "The Battle for God; Fundamentalism in Judaism, Christianity and Islam" states that radicalism in religion can be reduced by attending equal distribution of economy and broader access to politic. Bernard Lewis in "What Went Wrong? The Clash Between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East" states that radicalism in religion can be neutralized by promoting democratic attitude among religious followers. Yüsuf Qard{awî in "al-S{ahwat al-Islãmiyah bayn al-Juhüd wa al-Tat{arruf"concludes that facing individual or group who commit radicalism should be through dakwah. Azyumardi Azra in "Konflik Baru Peradaban: Globalisasi, Pluralitas, dan Radikalisme " states that all efforts in combating terrorism in whatever form should be away from violence, since all acts of violence often yield in suffering innocent people. Petrus Reinhard Golose in "Deradikalisasi Terorisme: Humanis, Soul Approach dan menyentuh Akar Rumput" offers a deradicalization program applied by the Indonesian Police force using Soul and Humanistic approach by involving various parties in eradicating terrorism till its root. This riset support the concept of Yüsuf Qardhawî by emphasizing idea that communicative dakwah is the most effective approach in combating radicalism in Islam.
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In: The Western political quarterly: official journal of Western Political Science Association, Band 16, Heft 3, S. 67
ISSN: 0043-4078
In: Critique internationale: revue comparative de sciences sociales, Heft 2, S. 121-123
ISSN: 1149-9818, 1290-7839
In: Rethink Paper No. 12, October 2013, Rethink Institute, Washington, DC
SSRN
Working paper
In: Pouvoirs: revue française d'études constitutionnelles et politiques, Heft 131, S. 85-97
ISSN: 0152-0768
In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 80-85
ISSN: 0036-8237
Confusion, controversy and even fear surrounds the political phenomenon of radicalism. This book attempts to make conceptual and historical sense of this phenomenon, both as a kind of practice and as a kind of thought, before defending it in a traditional if unfashionable form: a form that is historically progressive and politically humanistic
Summary Islam has assumed a decisive role in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet system. However, the religious comeback has produced adverse effects, particularly the rise of religious radicalism. The Hanafi School, the main conventional school of Islamic interpretation in Central Asia, which greatly contributed to the Islamic underpinnings of Central Asian nomadic and settled Islamic civilization, employs a rational approach and cherishes local customs and traditions. However, the narrow, literal perceptions of Islam lack these features and render Islam a static, frozen system of teachings. Those literalist perceptions of Islam constitute the ontological and intellectual foundation of radicalism in the world, in general, and in contemporary Central Asia, in particular. Religious literalism flourishes in Muslim communities that lack vibrant intellectual life and dynamic religious education. Despite the decades-long systematic and forceful anti-religious campaign during Soviet rule, Central Asian Muslims consider themselves no less Muslims than others. However, the region has been seriously deprived of a formal Islamic education system and Islamic intellectual life. Consequently, at the time of independence the Central Asian Muslim community was characterized by a ubiquitously low level of Islamic education, 'broken tradition,' and concomitant 'shaken identity', all of which gave rise to distorted and radical understandings of Islam. The abrupt politicization of post-Soviet Muslims in the early 1990s led to the instrumentalization of Islam in politics, which produced disastrous results in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. In recent years, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan embarked on comprehensive anti-terrorist activities and adopted complex measures at the official level in fighting radical (depicted as "non-traditional") interpretations of Islam, since the very liberal attitude of these countries towards all religious groups, which had been adopted earlier, and the lack of state support to the Muftiyat (the civil ...
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