Suchergebnisse

In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.

The article analyzes the transformation of Islamic community of the Adygheya Republic during 1990-2015, new tendencies and actors. The author reveals new trends in the 2010s updated by the dynamics of the political background of Adygheya. The main focus is the factors constraining Muslims from radicalism in the 1990s – 2010s, as well as factors that may contribute to the spread of radical version of Islam today. According to the author, the factors of radicalization of Muslims in the Adygheya can be divided into two groups – federal and regional. The first concerns the many unresolved methodological issues relating to "New Muslims". As practice shows, the state unequivocal support of the "traditional Muslim clergy" contributes to the isolation of Salafis, limits the possibilities of intraconfessional dialogue. The facts of destruction of mosques, injunction religious books, extra-judicial persecution of Muslims and ban on headscarves (hijabs) in schools in the other regions of the Russian Federation forms the protest discourse. At the regional level a crisis of ethnic ideology Adyghe Khabze, economical crisis and broken social lifts contribute to the radicalization of Muslims. Islamic radicals are very active and professional in social networks, they create the groups whose target audience is youth. The activities of the radical "Internet imams", electronic "religious authorities" are typical for Adygheya and for the whole North Caucasus outside the native region. Their influence, agitation and propaganda are destructive and will have a negative impact in the future. A new trend is the departure of the Adyghe Muslims in ISIL (about 21 people from the beginning of 2015).

Ethnocultural conflicts in the world today are rooted in the increasingly incendiary globalization in the course of which certain regions cannot cope with migrant flows (EU member countries are a pertinent example) while others (the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in the People's Republic of China, Tatarstan, Chechnia, Bashkortostan, the Stavropol Territory, Tyumen Region, Adygea, and Ingushetia in the Russian Federation) are living in the complicated context of ethnic patchwork. Societies are moving towards blending different ethnocultural elements, causing havoc in human minds, unexpected ethnocultural situations and social and ethnic deviations which, as could be expected, consolidates the positions of the Islamic State. [1] It is difficult to study different aspects of the problem in depth in the age of the contemporary digital information society and various brainwashing strategies used by ISIS agents: they present ISIS as the best place for the development of genuine human qualities, which has already brought together members of several ethnic communities. The transnational extremist groups, Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami among them, have spread their influence to Central Asia and are gradually moving into Russian territory. Strongholds of extremism are not limited to the Northern Caucasus; they are present in the historically peaceful Volga area where Islamists have their own mosques and training courses and work hard to lure as many young people as possible to their side. Post-Soviet Islamism is a mixture of classic universalist Islamism and xenophobic fundamentalism. In Soviet times local Muslims treated the so-called Muslim world as something abstract, while Afghan mujahideen caused a lot of irritation in the Soviet Central Asian countries: Uzbeks or Tajiks, for instance, found it hard to associate the mujahideen persistent opposition with the defense of Islam. Today, the situation in the Muslim world is different. Former Soviet republics accept the universalist model of Islam as an endogenous phenomenon rooted in economic, political and ideological prerequisites. Fundamentalism/Wahhabism is seen as an exogenous phenomenon that forced some adherents of classic Islam out and drew the rest into its ranks. Political religions are never neutral. The difference between "us" and "others" is ontological. "Others" are a product of evil (ideologists of political religions do not hesitate to state that their enemies are "soulless"), therefore destruction is the only method to be employed against them. This paradoxical combination of cruelty and flexibility is typical of the post-modernist phenomena.

Article retractedAbstract: In Hungary and Slovakia during 2010-2015 there has been an increase in xenophobic attitudes in society; rightwing and extremist groups are activating there as well. The purpose of this article is to compare the most signifi cant factors which encourage xenophobia. Previously we have identifi ed the types of right-wing organizations and found out their electoral characteristics. We assume that the activities of right-wing extremist organizations infl uence the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary and Slovakia, which arise from the range of factors. In this article we used empirical data gained as a result of public opinion polls conducted by the leading research centers in Hungary and Slovakia, by international organizations, as well as statistics of public authorities and civil society institutions. By means of factor analysis, we identifi ed the main directions and forms of activity of right-wing radicals; determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of the country's development; characterized the attitude of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right-wing radicalism. Among the most infl uential factors we identifi ed: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority of the ethnic majority interests; parliamentary status of rightwing parties; condoning the activities of right-wing radicals by the ruling elite, the courts and the police. The comparison of factors stimulating xenophobic practices in Hungary and Slovakia didn't confi rm the hypothesis of common signifi cant infl uence of the economic crisis, lack of education and political passivity on the formation of xenophobic practices among young people. The professional frustration of provincial youth discovered itself as a cumulative socioeconomic factor. ; Статья отозванаАннотация: В Венгрии и Словакии на протяжении 2010-2015 гг. отмечается рост ксенофобских настроений в обществе, активизируются праворадикальные и экстремистские группировки. Цель статьи заключается в сопоставлении наиболее существенных факторов, стимулирующих ксенофобию в двух странах. Предварительно мы предприняли попытку типологизировать праворадикальные организации и выяснить их электоральные характеристики. Наше предположение состоит в том, что деятельность праворадикальных и экстремистских организаций оказывает влияние на формирование ксенофобских социальных практик в Венгрии и Словакии, которое обусловлено рядом факторов. В работе использованы эмпирические данные, полученные в ходе социологических опросов, проведенных ведущими исследовательскими центрами Венгрии и Словакии, международными организациями, а также статистические данные органов государственной власти, институтов гражданского общества. Средствами факторного анализа нами определены основные направления и формы деятельности правых радикалов; определено значение социально-экономической динамики развития стран; охарактеризовано отношение общества, закона и правящей элиты к проблемам ксенофобии и правому радикализму. К числу наиболее влиятельных факторов можно отнести: открытую пропаганду националистических идей; конституционный приоритет интересов этнического большинства; парламентский статус праворадикальных партий; попустительство деятельности правых радикалов со стороны правящей элиты, судов и полиции. Сопоставление фактор стимулирующих ксенофобские практики в Венгрии и Словакии отчасти не подтвердило распространенную гипотезу о существенном влиянии экономического кризиса, дефицита образования и политической пассивности на формирование ксенофобских практик в молодежной среде. Кумулятивным социально-экономическим фактором обнаружила себя профессиональная фрустрация провинциальной молодежи.

The paper discusses the current processes for development and transformation of radical youth movements in Russia. The systematic character of youth radicalism associated with socio-economic, political and geopolitical processes is presented.The author notes that there are features that distinguish the phenomenon of youth activism in the identity formation of members of radical youth groups, which often leads to the exclusion of young people from the legal political process. ; В статье рассматриваются актуальные для РФ процессы генезиса и трансформации деятельности радикальных молодёжных движений. Автор опирался в исследовании на системный подход, а также комбинирование институционального анализа и сетевого подхода. В работе, наряду с традиционными методами политического анализа и прогнозирования, нашли применение также и методы интертекстуального анализа, интенти дискурс-анализа, что позволило адекватно отразить в исследовании особенности интерпретации ситуации постмодерна.Автор приходит к выводу о том, что радикальный молодёжный активизм характеризуется собственной спецификой. Он практически не институциализирован и лишь поверхностно связан с концепциями, принципами, научной методологией. Однако он ярок, непредсказуем, стихиен, энергичен и эксцентричен, кроме того, молодые активисты, как правило, не склонны к политическим компромиссам с оппонентами. Молодёжный радикализм часто предстаёт в постмодернистском формате и характеризуется использованием сетевых технологий. Представленный системный характер молодёжного радикализма, связанный с социально-экономическими, внутриполитическими и геополитическими процессами, при условии анализа со стороны институциональных структур государственной молодёжной политики, способен содействовать превенции деструктивных явлений и процессов в молодёжном движении.