Suchergebnisse

Dagelijks worden we overspoeld met nieuws over fundamentalistische bewegingen die aanslagen plegen. We zijn geprogrammeerd om te denken dat de islam weer toeslaat. Ook als er geen aanslagen zijn, voelen we ons bedreigd: door vrouwen die hoofddoeken dragen en door mannen met baarden die moskeeën bezoeken. Wat is er met onze samenleving aan de hand dat we een grote behoefte aan een vijandbeeld hebben? Zijn de problemen in onze samenleving opgelost als er geen mensen met een andere cultuur meer wonen? In alle religieuze en seculiere bewegingen komen groepen met fundamentalistische opvattingen voor. Eenzijdig wijzen naar de islam als grote boosdoener leidt niet tot inzicht in maatschappelijke processen. In een brede historische analyse worden de wortels en verschijningsvormen van het fundamentalisme ontdekt. Fundamentalisme wordt hier opgevat als een gesloten denksysteem met absolute waarheidsopvattingen die, desnoods met geweld, aan andersdenkenden wordt opgelegd.-- page four of cover

An article based on the contribution or three authors. Former political secretary of the Flemish ecological party Green! Geysels remembers the main strategies at the start of the sanitary cordon in Belgium in 1989. After summing up the effects and impact of these statements, he defends the cordon as an instrument which helps to protect the bases of democracy. De Lange, in the second contribution, Right-populist political parties and sketches the academic outlines of the discussion. She warns against unilateral, unfounded and unwise propositions in the debate, certainly when it concerns translating the Belgian experience to the current Dutch situation. Professor Fennema, the third author, studied the forming of extreme Right parties in Europe and is president of the Center of Radicalism and Extremism Studies CRES. He writes of the Dutch experience with the sanitary cordon and its consequences on contemporary political debate in the Netherlands, which has changed into a debate in terms of fear and hate. All three authors emphasize that a comparison between the Flemish and Dutch experience falls: in Flanders, where the cordon functions since 20 years, no party was ever forbidden. In the Netherlands, where discussion on the sanitary cordon has been bled, that happened. O. van Zijl

Kan een proces van de-radicalisering worden gestimuleerd of ondersteund? Geïnspireerd op buitenlandse ervaringen is in de gemeentes Winschoten en Eindhoven gedurende twee jaar geëxperimenteerd met een de-radicaliseringsaanpak voor rechts-radicale jongeren. Deze rapportage is de weerslag van een studie die door de Universiteit Leiden en de Anne Frank Stichting werd verricht naar de aanpak in beide gemeentes. Er is onderzocht in hoeverre lokale instellingen een actieve rol kunnen spelen bij het tegengaan en terugdraaien van radicaliseringprocessen

The article problematizes dominant understandings of moral rights to territory and rejects the claim that the legitimacy of independence of the former Yugoslav republics can be grounded in the right of their peoples to self-determination, either within ethnic or then-existing administrative boundaries. Instead, the most promising normative justification for a decision to recognize Yugoslav republics as independent states follows from a particular interpretation of the all-affected interests principle in democratic theory, which leads to a radical reconceptualization of the idea of the people, 'its' territory, and the legitimate role of the international community. Adapted from the source document.

The author introduces the article by describing why the term Jihad-terrorism shouldn't be used (it's not an ideology, but a method; the term hammers on an intrinsic link between Islam and violence). The Belgian international attitude stresses that a wrong perception within European policy will actually lead to an anti-Western radicalization, and that terminology is part of that. The article continues with four EU anti-terror strategies: proactive: prevention and protection; reactive: prosecution and response. Regarding suppression of radicalization and recruitment, three factors are mentioned: facilitating factors within a globalized world (travel and communication, money operations, internet availability); an anti-western enemy perception; structural environmental factors, the so-called root causes (social circumstances, democratic imperfection, modernization badly directed, economic and political perspectives, unsolved conflicts, lack of education). Two additional principles for Belgium: 1) fundamental rights and freedoms; 2) suppression of Jihad-terrorism in cooperation with Muslim countries. References. O. van Zijl

The subject matter of research in this paper is theoretical controversy related to the definition of right-wing extremism. Given the fact that extremism is a variable, amorphous and insufficiently researched phenomenon, largely conditioned by time, space, political and cultural differences, there is a great confusion in the field of political science when defining right-wing extremism. The problem of researching right-wing extremism is additionally complicated by various terms that are being used in the contemporary literature as its synonyms, such as right-wing radicalism, neo-Fascism, ultra-radicalism, etc. In order to provide the most valid theoretical determination of right-wing extremism, the author provides a detailed analysis of all the components constituting this phenomenon and examines their causality. In the political praxis, the term extremism is extensively abused, which additionally complicates its determination. Videlicet, politicians often use term 'extremist' in order to discredit their political opponents. While during the French revolution aristocracy saw the bourgeoisie as extremists, the members of the working class later stated that the bourgeoisie were extremists. The problem lies in the fact that, in politics, extremists are not only the ones who use violence as modus operandi; indeed, it is also used by political opponents who do not belong to the extreme political option. Another aggravating factor in defining right-wing extremism is that many administrative and academic definitions do not make a clear distinction between extremism and related phenomena, such as terrorism, radicalism and populism. Extremism is most often equaled with terrorism, which gives rise to another problem in defining this phenomenon. The relation between extremism and terrorism is the relation of general and specific. Namely, every act of terrorism is concurrently considered to be an act of extremism, but not vice versa, given the fact that every act of extremism does not lead towards a higher level of political violence (i.e. towards terrorism). Even in the terms of legal sanctioning, it is much easier to incriminate terrorism in comparison to extremism. The Serbian criminal legislation envisages relevant punishment for committing an act of terrorism, without even mentioning extremism, which implies that there is no penalty prescribed for committing an act of extremism. Despite numerous academic and administrative definitions on the concept of extremism, there is still a lack of a balanced approach to defining right-wing extremism, which is also largely conditioned by political definitions. The most prominent problem in addressing the social phenomena such as right-wing extremism lies in the fact that these social phenomena are dynamic and, in order to be analysed in a scientifically objective manner, they must be examined in the specific temporal, spatial and socio-political context.

De moord op Theo van Gogh zorgde voor een schokgolf in Nederland. Radicale moslims bleken ook in Nederlandse steden aanwezig te zijn. Wie zijn deze jongeren? Hoe en waarom worden zij radicaal? Onderzoekers die antwoorden proberen te vinden op vragen over radicalisering noemen diverse factoren op internationaal, sociaaleconomisch en sociaalpsychologisch niveau. Amy-Jane Gielen richt haar aandacht op een aspect dat onderbelicht blijft: de zoektocht naar identiteit. Daarbij kijkt zij niet alleen naar radicale moslimjongeren, maar tevens naar een groep die veel minder aandacht krijgt: rechts-radic