Suchergebnisse

Aus westeuropäischer Sicht + Aus politischer Sicht

A reprint of SA 27:4/K2300.

THE ARTICLE SUMMARILES RESEARCH FINDINGS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF INDIAN ELECTION DATA AT THE STATE ASSEMBLY LEVEL FROM 1952 THROUGH 1972. THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF URBANIZATION ARE ASSESSED WITH REGARD TO PARTICIPATION, RADICALIZATION, AND POLARIZATION. THE ATTRIBUTIONAL MODEL IS SOMEWHAT MORE APPLICABLE TO RADICALIZATION AND POLARIZATION, AND THE CONTEXTUAL MODEL APPLIES TO PARTICIPATION.

A case of Black Panther activity at Yale in 1970 is reviewed. A history of this period by J. Taft (Mayday at Yale: A Case Study in Student Radicalism, Boulder: Westview Press, 1977) fails to provide adequate background; nor does it deal adequately with the problems of oral history in handling interview data. Taft's portraits treat people either as disruptive radicals or befuddled liberals, ignoring the complexity of the situation; radicals have irrational motives, while the academics are unfailingly rational & disinterested, both misleading portraits. Taft's uncritical faith in the law does not recognize that unfair trials took place during this period. In Panthers & Bulldogs: A Comment, David Bromwich notes both the occurrence of violence & intimidation on the part of the Panthers, & the lack of representative voting & intimidation of voters in the vote to strike. Claiming that B. Seale deserved a fair trial was considered an extreme right-wing position, despite the dangers of abandonment of law, but the judge in the Seale trial was, in fact, a liberal, & sympathetic to the issues raised. The 1960s had merit as a time when money & self were not the primary concerns. W. H. Stoddard.

A description & test of a model of radical personality based on social-psychological correlates of New Left ideology. Following methodological criticism of studies that portray radicals as psychologically "liberated," a model of psychopolitical rebellion as an inverted form of authoritarian personality is described. This model was tested by administering projective psychological instruments to 1,105 US Coll students during 1971-1973, of whom 36 were selected for in-depth interviews. As hypothesized, radicalism was associated with measures of power motivation, narcissism, self-assertive psychosocial orientation, lack of affiliative motivation, & perceptions of protest & militancy as sources of power. The developmental sources of rebellion are also examined, & the implications for studies of personality & politics are discussed. 4 Tables, 72 References. Modified HA.

Guidelines for the collective revitalization of US radical social scientific theory & political engagement are presented through analysis of five aspects of the supposedly "antagonistic" neoconservative school: (1) integration of activism & intellectual inquiry; (2) development of a coherent advanced-capitalist theory of society; (3) SC commitment; (4) political "immoderation"; & (5) collective scholarship & visibility through publications (eg, The Public Interest). Obstacles to Left/radical use of similar strategies are discussed, noting the split between the New Left & academic radicals (reflected in atomized polemical & scholarly skills), underdeveloped theories of the state, & (especially) individualist competition for funding & exposure. Possible alternatives are briefly reviewed, including network building, collective pooling of data, & new broad-based publications. The potential uses of the caucus for a new political science are emphasized. L. Whittemore.

The development & persistence of a radical movement among African blacks who became slaves in Europe & North America or who rebelled against colonialism in Africa are described. This radical tradition is traced to the sixteenth century slave revolts that occurred in Mexico, Brazil, & elsewhere in the New World, & it appeared again & again in revolts in the succeeding centuries. It is analyzed within a dialectical framework as a reaction to capitalist imperialism that was finally expressed in the liberation of African nations in the twentieth century. However, historical evidence suggests that the radicalism was not necessarily violent, although the temporary suppression of black rebellions by whites was often extremely brutal. 65 References. D. Dunseath.

The argument of radical social scientists that higher education supports the status quo is not supported by the facts. Coll teachers are more liberal than the population at large; the academy today holds a sizable community of Marxists & other radicals who deliberately engage in political proselytizing. The arguments that all teaching is indoctrination & that everyone is equally biased are false on both theoretical & factual grounds. Complete objectivity is impossible, but the scholar should strive for it. Radical academics who insist on using the classroom for the education of revolutionaries may have to be disqualified. Memories of McCarthyism in the 1950s should not be allowed to paralyze efforts to protect the probity of education in the 1980s. Failure to do so may undermine democratic values & institutions. AA.

HOW WERE THE UPPER LEVEL LEADERSHIP & THE CONSTITUENCYLEVEL OF PARTY WORKERS ORIENTED TOWARDS SOCIALISM AND WHAT ROLE DID BOTH GROUPS PERFORM IN THE 1970 CAMPAIGN? THROUGH THE ASCENT TO POLITICAL POWER MAY LIE THROUGH RFADICALIZATION, THE LEADERSHIP, IN AUGMENTING THAT POWER, OFTEN RESORTS TO DE-RADICALIZATION BOTH IN POLICY-MAKING AND IN PARTY-BUILDING.