Suchergebnisse

Der klare Sieg von Slobodan Milosevic über seinen Herausforderer Milan Panic bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen in Serbien am 20. Dezember 1992 hat viele politische Beobachter im Westen überrascht und deren Hoffnungen auf eine moderatere Entwicklung in Serbien und damit verbunden im Jugoslawienkonflikt enttäuscht. Die Wahlergebnisse der Parlaments- und Präsidentschaftswahlen deuten auf eine wachsende Polarisierung der politischen Landschaft und einen politischen Rechtsruck der serbischen Bevölkerung hin. Milosevic und dem Vorsitzenden der Serbischen Radikalen Partei, Vojislav Seselj, gelang es, den Wählern zu suggerieren, daß sie die nationalen Interessen am konsequentesten schützen würden. In Belgrad wächst die Zahl der politischen Beobachter, die eine Tendenz zur Errichtung einer Einparteienherrschaft konstatieren. (BIOst-Srt)

Gives a detailed account of the decade long conflict in Sweden over the 'Meidner plan' for collective 'wage-earner funds', financed by profits and originally designed to produce far reaching transformations in the ownership and control of enterprises. Explains how in the face of a ferocious campaign funded and orchestrated by capitalist interests, popular support for the plan eventually ebbed and the Social Democratic Party backed away from the radical version of the proposals. Argues that the issues of ownership and control addressed by the 'Meidner plan' will recur in the future and that as part of a wider socialist strategy they would have a pronounced anticapitalist potential. (Abstract amended)

This paper situates the field of action known as "corporate social responsibility" within the theoretical context of global capitalism. I posit that corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a field of action that is shaped through the interplay of popular pressures and the response of corporations to such pressures thereof. Specifically, I analyze this field as consisting of a symbolic struggle over the meaning of the term "social responsibility." I analyze a set of corporate practices relating to CSR and show how they shape the notion of responsibility in ways that diffuse its radical transformative potential. In particular, I look at various corporate strategies designed to prevent the use of law as means for bringing about greater corporate accountability. I also discuss particular agents that mobilize the CSR field. Specifically, I discuss the establishment of corporate-sponsored and corporate-oriented NGOs and analyze the role they play in structuring the CSR field. I designate such organizations as MaNGOs (Market Non-Governmental Organizations) and suggest that such organizations shape notions such as "social responsibility" and "social change" in ways that are amenable to business and employers' concerns.

En el transcurso de los ultimos veinticinco anos el Peru ha experimentado una transformacion sustancial de su estructua social, que impulso la radicalizacion politica de las clases populares y, muy en especial, de sus jovenes. Durante los anos sesenta las clases populares urbanas experimentaron una cierta movilidad ascendente y un crecimiento de sus expectativas de mejoria de su ocupacion, ingreso, educacion y participacion politica. A partir de mediados de los anos setenta cambia la situacion. Se deterioran las condiciones economicas y persisten los obstaculos a una participacion politica plena. En estas circunstancias la confrontacion violenta se constituye en procedimiento habitual en los conflictos politicos

The concept of "institutional radicalization" or "the changing of institutions from their roots" is put forward as critical for understanding the manner in which civil societies in most African countries have been grappling with the challenges of development. Given the well embedded precapitalist social formation in most African countries, various institutions have been radicalized around such critical identities as age, gender, land, occupation, credit, community, and rituals of solidarity to promote development. However, until the state intervenes to legitimize these initiatives of civil societies, their full impact on the development process is bound to be moot. The enormous tasks entailed in such legitimization through identifying, registering, realigning, providing incentives, directing, and monitoring these radicalized institutions remain critical and imperative for African countries if they are to accelerate and deepen the extent of their integration into the global free market economy and democratic governance.

There is certainly some sound logic in the observation by Trivimi Velliste, the former Foreign Minister of Estonia: "The safer Estonians feel about their independence, the more convinced they are that no one will enslave them again [and] the more likelihood they will be more generous [about Russians in Estonia]." The sad conclusion of this article is, however, that the gain of Estonians' security has not given way to a spirit of generosity but to a more restrictive and irrational citizenship policy.