Suchergebnisse

This research proposes to show and understand what the general concept of prevention policy of radicalization is and more particularly the role of all professionals in the sector in charge of it. Since 2014, a public policy for the prevention of radicalization has been developed to counter terrorism and radicalization. This policy has been developed, acting further upstream, around the training of professionals, detection, care and support. This policy lies in the coordination and mobilization of local authorities, civil society and state stakeholders. What is the reality today ? This study highlights, on one hand, the difficulties of the professionals in charge of radicalization prevention to carry out this mission in the best possible way, and on the other hand, the difficulties of various professional levels to be coordinated. ; Cette recherche propose de donner à voir et à comprendre ce qui se joue vis-à-vis de la politique de prévention de la radicalisation et plus particulièrement pour les professionnels qui en ont la charge. A partir de 2014 une politique publique de prévention de la radicalisation a été élaborée pour contrecarrer le terrorisme et la radicalisation, cette politique s'est développée autour de la formation des professionnels, la détection, la prise en charge et l'accompagnement ; il est question d'agir plus en amont. Cette politique réside dans la coordination et la mobilisation des collectivités territoriales, la société civile et les acteurs de l'état. Qu'en est-il, aujourd'hui, dans les faits ? Cette étude met en exergue, d'une part, les diverses difficultés des professionnels, en charge de la prévention de la radicalisation, à mener au mieux cette mission de prévention, et d'autre part les difficultés à développer une articulation entre niveaux professionnels.

The concept of radicalization was embraced by the French public authorities in the mid-2010s through various action plans aiming at detecting potential or proven cases of radicalization before the commission of jihadist-inspired terrorist acts. This institutionalization of the fight against radicalization relied on the territorial outlets of the State and on existing public policies (national education, child welfare, etc.). This thesis primarily investigates specialized prevention organizations, a sector at the crossroads of social labour and child welfare, that were called upon to detect so-called radicalized profiles, because of their presence in areas considered priorities by city policies. This work deals with the semantic-discursive characteristics of the lexeme radicalization in institutional and political speeches, as well as in social work speeches. The analysis uses two types of materials: 680 institutional speeches produced by the French government between 2013 and 2018 (containing the lemma radicalization), and ten semi-structured interviews conducted as part of an investigation of specialized prevention educators of the Occitanie Region. This freely accessible corpus constitutes an unprecedented resource for linguists, sociologists and political scientists, but also for students in social careers, as well as social workers wishing to analyse further the programmes of meaning and uses of the notion of radicalization. On the socio-discursive level, the contrastive study of these two corpora makes it possible to observe the production of a public policy and its reception within a sector that is directly concerned. From a linguistic point of view, it is a matter of developing and formalizing a process for analysing the notion of radicalization. The proposed model is based on an in-depth study of work in the sociology of social movements which aims to describe the mechanisms specific to radical trajectories, a synthesis of which is presented in the first part of the thesis. Three major observations ...

The concept of radicalization was embraced by the French public authorities in the mid-2010s through various action plans aiming at detecting potential or proven cases of radicalization before the commission of jihadist-inspired terrorist acts. This institutionalization of the fight against radicalization relied on the territorial outlets of the State and on existing public policies (national education, child welfare, etc.). This thesis primarily investigates specialized prevention organizations, a sector at the crossroads of social labour and child welfare, that were called upon to detect so-called radicalized profiles, because of their presence in areas considered priorities by city policies. This work deals with the semantic-discursive characteristics of the lexeme radicalization in institutional and political speeches, as well as in social work speeches. The analysis uses two types of materials: 680 institutional speeches produced by the French government between 2013 and 2018 (containing the lemma radicalization), and ten semi-structured interviews conducted as part of an investigation of specialized prevention educators of the Occitanie Region. This freely accessible corpus constitutes an unprecedented resource for linguists, sociologists and political scientists, but also for students in social careers, as well as social workers wishing to analyse further the programmes of meaning and uses of the notion of radicalization. On the socio-discursive level, the contrastive study of these two corpora makes it possible to observe the production of a public policy and its reception within a sector that is directly concerned. From a linguistic point of view, it is a matter of developing and formalizing a process for analysing the notion of radicalization. The proposed model is based on an in-depth study of work in the sociology of social movements which aims to describe the mechanisms specific to radical trajectories, a synthesis of which is presented in the first part of the thesis. Three major observations ...

The concept of radicalization was embraced by the French public authorities in the mid-2010s through various action plans aiming at detecting potential or proven cases of radicalization before the commission of jihadist-inspired terrorist acts. This institutionalization of the fight against radicalization relied on the territorial outlets of the State and on existing public policies (national education, child welfare, etc.). This thesis primarily investigates specialized prevention organizations, a sector at the crossroads of social labour and child welfare, that were called upon to detect so-called radicalized profiles, because of their presence in areas considered priorities by city policies. This work deals with the semantic-discursive characteristics of the lexeme radicalization in institutional and political speeches, as well as in social work speeches. The analysis uses two types of materials: 680 institutional speeches produced by the French government between 2013 and 2018 (containing the lemma radicalization), and ten semi-structured interviews conducted as part of an investigation of specialized prevention educators of the Occitanie Region. This freely accessible corpus constitutes an unprecedented resource for linguists, sociologists and political scientists, but also for students in social careers, as well as social workers wishing to analyse further the programmes of meaning and uses of the notion of radicalization. On the socio-discursive level, the contrastive study of these two corpora makes it possible to observe the production of a public policy and its reception within a sector that is directly concerned. From a linguistic point of view, it is a matter of developing and formalizing a process for analysing the notion of radicalization. The proposed model is based on an in-depth study of work in the sociology of social movements which aims to describe the mechanisms specific to radical trajectories, a synthesis of which is presented in the first part of the thesis. Three major observations ...

The concept of radicalization was embraced by the French public authorities in the mid-2010s through various action plans aiming at detecting potential or proven cases of radicalization before the commission of jihadist-inspired terrorist acts. This institutionalization of the fight against radicalization relied on the territorial outlets of the State and on existing public policies (national education, child welfare, etc.). This thesis primarily investigates specialized prevention organizations, a sector at the crossroads of social labour and child welfare, that were particularly called upon to detect so-called radicalized profiles, because of their presence in areas considered priorities by city policies.This work deals with the semantic-discursive characteristics of the lexeme radicalization in institutional and political speeches, as well as in social work speeches.The analysis uses two types of materials: 680 institutional speeches produced by the French government between 2013 and 2018 (containing the lemma radicalization), and ten semi-structured interviews conducted as part of an investigation of specialized prevention educators of the Occitanie Region. This freely accessible corpus constitutes an unprecedented resource for linguists, sociologists and political scientists, but also for students in social careers, as well as social workers wishing to analyse further the programmes of meaning and uses of the notion of radicalization.On the socio-discursive level, the contrastive study of these two corpora makes it possible to observe the production of a public policy and its reception within a sector that is directly concerned. From a linguistic point of view, it is a matter of developing and formalizing a process for analysing the notion of radicalization. The proposed model is based on an in-depth study of work in the sociology of social movements which aims to describe the mechanisms specific to radical trajectories, a synthesis of which is presented in the first part of the thesis. Three major ...

The concept of radicalization was embraced by the French public authorities in the mid-2010s through various action plans aiming at detecting potential or proven cases of radicalization before the commission of jihadist-inspired terrorist acts. This institutionalization of the fight against radicalization relied on the territorial outlets of the State and on existing public policies (national education, child welfare, etc.). This thesis primarily investigates specialized prevention organizations, a sector at the crossroads of social labour and child welfare, that were particularly called upon to detect so-called radicalized profiles, because of their presence in areas considered priorities by city policies.This work deals with the semantic-discursive characteristics of the lexeme radicalization in institutional and political speeches, as well as in social work speeches.The analysis uses two types of materials: 680 institutional speeches produced by the French government between 2013 and 2018 (containing the lemma radicalization), and ten semi-structured interviews conducted as part of an investigation of specialized prevention educators of the Occitanie Region. This freely accessible corpus constitutes an unprecedented resource for linguists, sociologists and political scientists, but also for students in social careers, as well as social workers wishing to analyse further the programmes of meaning and uses of the notion of radicalization.On the socio-discursive level, the contrastive study of these two corpora makes it possible to observe the production of a public policy and its reception within a sector that is directly concerned. From a linguistic point of view, it is a matter of developing and formalizing a process for analysing the notion of radicalization. The proposed model is based on an in-depth study of work in the sociology of social movements which aims to describe the mechanisms specific to radical trajectories, a synthesis of which is presented in the first part of the thesis. Three major observations emerge: (i) radicalization is a complex socio-political notion whose meaning escapes stabilization, (ii) radicalization is an intrinsically processual concept, (iii) radicalization is a multifactorial and multidimensional notion.Based on these findings, I designed an ad hoc linguistic analysis corpus that integrates three axes. On the first axis, I retrace the manifestations of the semantic and discursive instability of the notion of radicalization. I question, on the one hand, the meaning in language of the word radicalization, and, on the other hand, its discursive status of 'nomination'. For this purpose I probe into both referential and linguistic facets carried by the noun. The second axis questions the dynamics of the radicalization process and its representations in the two sources of discourse under study. The analysis emphasizes the different stages of the process, as well as the mechanisms of passage between these stages, modelled with a topologically inspired framework. The third axis focuses on the causal representations of radicalization. This representation sheds light on the causal factors that were judged decisive by institutional words and by social workers in order to explain the entering of individuals, their progression and their maintenance in radical engagement.More broadly, this work argues for a better knowledge of linguistic methods, insufficiently mobilized, and still too little known in other social sciences. It offers tools that shed light on the meaning and uses of complex and composite notions, notably through the contextualized study of their semantic profiles and the discursive processes that update them. This original interpretive path can be reproduced, in particular for disciplines whose object is to describe and model, from their discursive inscription, concepts related to socially sensitive themes. ; Le concept de radicalisation a été investi par les pouvoirs publics français au mitan des années 2010 à travers des plans d'action visant à détecter des cas potentiels ou avérés de radicalisation avant la commission d'actes terroristes d'inspiration djihadiste. Cette institutionnalisation de la lutte contre la radicalisation s'est appuyée sur les relais territoriaux de l'État et sur des politiques publiques existantes (Éducation Nationale, Aide sociale à l'enfance…). Dans ce travail je me suis intéressée aux associations de prévention spécialisée, un secteur au croisement du travail social et de l'Aide sociale à l'enfance, sollicité dans la détection de profils dits radicalisés en raison de sa présence sur des territoires classés prioritaires par les politiques de la ville.La thèse s'intéresse à la mise en discours du lexème radicalisation dans les discours institutionnels et politiques et dans les discours du travail social, selon une perspective sémantico-discursive.L'analyse utilise deux matériaux : 680 discours institutionnels produits par l'exécutif français entre 2013 et 2018 (contenant le lemme radicalisation), et dix entretiens semi-directifs menés dans le cadre d'une enquête auprès d'éducateurs de prévention spécialisée de la Région Occitanie. Ce corpus constitue une ressource inédite pour les linguistes, sociologues et politistes, mais aussi étudiants en carrières sociales et travailleurs sociaux désireux d'approfondir les programmes de sens et les usages de la notion de radicalisation.Sur le plan socio-discursif, l'étude contrastive de ces deux corpus permet d'observer la production d'une politique publique et sa réception au sein d'un secteur directement concerné. Sur le plan langagier, il s'agit d'élaborer et de formaliser une démarche d'analyse de la notion de radicalisation. La modélisation proposée repose sur l'étude approfondie des travaux en sociologie des mouvements sociaux qui cherchent à décrire les mécanismes propres aux trajectoires radicales. Trois grands constats émergent : (i) la radicalisation est une notion sociopolitique complexe dont le sens échappe à la stabilisation, (ii) la radicalisation est un concept intrinsèquement processuel, (iii) la radicalisation est une notion pluricausale et multidimensionnelle. Partant de ces constats, j'ai conçu un parcours d'analyse linguistique ad hoc qui intègre trois axes. Sur le premier axe, on retrace les manifestations de l'instabilité sémantique et discursive de la notion de radicalisation. Je m'interroge d'une part sur le sens en langue du mot radicalisation, et d'autre part à son statut discursif de nomination. De manière originale, on sonde à cet effet les facettes tant référentielles que langagières portées par la nomination. Le deuxième axe questionne les dynamiques du processus de radicalisation. L'analyse met l'accent sur les différentes étapes du processus, ainsi que sur les mécanismes de passage entre ces étapes, modélisés au moyen d'un schème d'inspiration topologique. Le troisième axe place la focale sur les représentations causales de la radicalisation. Je mets en lumière les facteurs causaux jugés déterminants par la parole institutionnelle et par les travailleurs sociaux pour expliquer l'entrée des individus, leur progression et leur maintien dans l'engagement radical. Plus largement, ce travail plaide pour une meilleure connaissance des méthodes linguistiques, insuffisamment mobilisées, et encore trop peu connues des autres sciences humaines et sociales. Il propose des outils qui permettent d'éclairer le sens et les usages des notions complexes et composites, grâce notamment à l'étude contextualisée de leurs profils sémantiques et des procédés discursifs qui les actualisent. Ce parcours interprétatif original peut être reproduit, en particulier pour les disciplines dont l'objet est de décrire et de modéliser, à partir de leur inscription discursive, des concepts liés à des sujets socialement sensibles.

Radicalization continues to assert itself in France and around the world, as a lasting and increasingly endogenous threat. This reconfiguration of the threat has not greatly influenced research on this phenomenon, which is often focused on understanding the phenomenon, its causes, risk profiles . The enrollment of young French people in jihadism and, more generally, the rise of extremisms violence elicits a democratic response, including through primary prevention. This threat has led the government to develop public policies focused especially on identification and especially on security logics through the implementation of plans (PLAT) in 2014 and (PART) in 2016, then the new plan, "Prevent to protect »In 2018. The various interventions in this area of the fight against violent radicalizations (VR) that target adults and young adults are generally carried out either in prisons or in vulnerable neighborhoods and rarely involve the emotional and relational dimensions. This work is part of an approach that tries to highlight the least considered aspects in the various VR prevention initiatives by proposing approaches focused on the solution and not on the problem. Indeed, we suggest a reconsideration of the usual ways of preventing VR centered on aspects of security, justice and rationality, complementing them with approaches that explicitly promote emotional and relational skills. It should be noted that this thesis proposes to verify empirically the foundations of a primary prevention program and its real impact on adults and young adults through measurable indicators. Thus, the general culture module "Initiation to meditation in an ethical approach" taught at the faculty of Montpellier was designed to develop these skills in the sense of responsibility, considered in our theoretical model as being antagonistic to VR. The evaluation of its impact by quantitative methods shows encouraging results and confirms a large part of our hypotheses. ; La radicalisation continue de s'affirmer en France et dans le monde ...

Radicalization continues to assert itself in France and around the world, as a lasting and increasingly endogenous threat. This reconfiguration of the threat has not greatly influenced research on this phenomenon, which is often focused on understanding the phenomenon, its causes, risk profiles . The enrollment of young French people in jihadism and, more generally, the rise of extremisms violence elicits a democratic response, including through primary prevention. This threat has led the government to develop public policies focused especially on identification and especially on security logics through the implementation of plans (PLAT) in 2014 and (PART) in 2016, then the new plan, "Prevent to protect »In 2018. The various interventions in this area of the fight against violent radicalizations (VR) that target adults and young adults are generally carried out either in prisons or in vulnerable neighborhoods and rarely involve the emotional and relational dimensions. This work is part of an approach that tries to highlight the least considered aspects in the various VR prevention initiatives by proposing approaches focused on the solution and not on the problem. Indeed, we suggest a reconsideration of the usual ways of preventing VR centered on aspects of security, justice and rationality, complementing them with approaches that explicitly promote emotional and relational skills. It should be noted that this thesis proposes to verify empirically the foundations of a primary prevention program and its real impact on adults and young adults through measurable indicators. Thus, the general culture module "Initiation to meditation in an ethical approach" taught at the faculty of Montpellier was designed to develop these skills in the sense of responsibility, considered in our theoretical model as being antagonistic to VR. The evaluation of its impact by quantitative methods shows encouraging results and confirms a large part of our hypotheses. ; La radicalisation continue de s'affirmer en France et dans le monde ...

Radicalization continues to assert itself in France and around the world, as a lasting and increasingly endogenous threat. This reconfiguration of the threat has not greatly influenced research on this phenomenon, which is often focused on understanding the phenomenon, its causes, risk profiles . The enrollment of young French people in jihadism and, more generally, the rise of extremisms violence elicits a democratic response, including through primary prevention. This threat has led the government to develop public policies focused especially on identification and especially on security logics through the implementation of plans (PLAT) in 2014 and (PART) in 2016, then the new plan, "Prevent to protect »In 2018. The various interventions in this area of the fight against violent radicalizations (VR) that target adults and young adults are generally carried out either in prisons or in vulnerable neighborhoods and rarely involve the emotional and relational dimensions. This work is part of an approach that tries to highlight the least considered aspects in the various VR prevention initiatives by proposing approaches focused on the solution and not on the problem. Indeed, we suggest a reconsideration of the usual ways of preventing VR centered on aspects of security, justice and rationality, complementing them with approaches that explicitly promote emotional and relational skills. It should be noted that this thesis proposes to verify empirically the foundations of a primary prevention program and its real impact on adults and young adults through measurable indicators. Thus, the general culture module "Initiation to meditation in an ethical approach" taught at the faculty of Montpellier was designed to develop these skills in the sense of responsibility, considered in our theoretical model as being antagonistic to VR. The evaluation of its impact by quantitative methods shows encouraging results and confirms a large part of our hypotheses. ; La radicalisation continue de s'affirmer en France et dans le monde ...

Aim: France is a country deeply affected by Islamist radicalization and terrorism. The government, the media and justice actors frequently ask mental health actors to take charg of the radicalized population. This thesis aims to establish the link between psychiatry and radicalization in order to define our role in the fight against this phenomenon. Method: systematic review of the literature. Results: of the 60 articles selected, 36 (or 60%) oppose a link between psychiatry and radicalization, 24 (or 40%) evoke it but either qualify as weak or possible because the current methodology is little reliable, either use it for a specific sub-population such as solitary authors. Twenty-nine of the 60 articles (48.3%) discuss the presence of personality disorders. Eighteen articles (30%) emit the possibility of underlying personality traits, but new emerging typologies linked to radicalized profiles seem more suited to the analysis of personalities. Eleven articles (18.3%) refute them completely. Conclusion: the relationship between psychiatric disorders and radicalization is not demonstrated. The population of solitary terrorists is the one with the most psychiatric disorders. Psychiatrists who develop an interest in this subject seem destined to play a consulting role in understanding this phenomenon, which is above all of a societal nature. ; Objectif : la France est un pays très touché par la radicalisation islamiste et le terrorisme. Le gouvernement, les médias, les acteurs de justice demandent fréquemment aux acteurs de la santé mentale de prendre en charge la population radicalisée. Cette thèse a pour but d'établir le lien entre la psychiatrie et la radicalisation afin de définir notre rôle dans la lutte contre ce phénomène. Méthode : revue systématique de la littérature. Résultats : parmi les 60 articles sélectionnés, 36 (soit 60%) s'opposent à un lien entre la psychiatrie et la radicalisation, 24 (soit 40%) l'évoquent mais soit le qualifient de ténu ou possible car la méthodologie actuelle est peu fiable, soit l'utilisent pour une sous population spécifique comme les auteurs solitaires. Vingt-neuf des 60 articles (soit 48,3%) discutent de la présence de troubles de la personnalité. Dix-huit articles soit (30%) émettent la possibilité de traits de personnalités sous-jacents mais les nouvelles typologies émergentes en lien avec des profils radicalisés semblent plus adaptées à l'analyse des personnalités. Onze articles (18,3%) les réfutent complètement. Conclusion : la relation entre les troubles psychiatriques et la radicalisation n'est pas démontrée. La population des terroristes solitaires est celle qui présenterait le plus de troubles psychiatriques. Les psychiatres qui développent un intérêt pour ce sujet semblent destinés à un rôle de consultant dans la compréhension de ce phénomène qui est avant tout d'ordre sociétal.

Aim: France is a country deeply affected by Islamist radicalization and terrorism. The government, the media and justice actors frequently ask mental health actors to take charg of the radicalized population. This thesis aims to establish the link between psychiatry and radicalization in order to define our role in the fight against this phenomenon. Method: systematic review of the literature. Results: of the 60 articles selected, 36 (or 60%) oppose a link between psychiatry and radicalization, 24 (or 40%) evoke it but either qualify as weak or possible because the current methodology is little reliable, either use it for a specific sub-population such as solitary authors. Twenty-nine of the 60 articles (48.3%) discuss the presence of personality disorders. Eighteen articles (30%) emit the possibility of underlying personality traits, but new emerging typologies linked to radicalized profiles seem more suited to the analysis of personalities. Eleven articles (18.3%) refute them completely. Conclusion: the relationship between psychiatric disorders and radicalization is not demonstrated. The population of solitary terrorists is the one with the most psychiatric disorders. Psychiatrists who develop an interest in this subject seem destined to play a consulting role in understanding this phenomenon, which is above all of a societal nature. ; Objectif : la France est un pays très touché par la radicalisation islamiste et le terrorisme. Le gouvernement, les médias, les acteurs de justice demandent fréquemment aux acteurs de la santé mentale de prendre en charge la population radicalisée. Cette thèse a pour but d'établir le lien entre la psychiatrie et la radicalisation afin de définir notre rôle dans la lutte contre ce phénomène. Méthode : revue systématique de la littérature. Résultats : parmi les 60 articles sélectionnés, 36 (soit 60%) s'opposent à un lien entre la psychiatrie et la radicalisation, 24 (soit 40%) l'évoquent mais soit le qualifient de ténu ou possible car la méthodologie actuelle est peu fiable, soit l'utilisent pour une sous population spécifique comme les auteurs solitaires. Vingt-neuf des 60 articles (soit 48,3%) discutent de la présence de troubles de la personnalité. Dix-huit articles soit (30%) émettent la possibilité de traits de personnalités sous-jacents mais les nouvelles typologies émergentes en lien avec des profils radicalisés semblent plus adaptées à l'analyse des personnalités. Onze articles (18,3%) les réfutent complètement. Conclusion : la relation entre les troubles psychiatriques et la radicalisation n'est pas démontrée. La population des terroristes solitaires est celle qui présenterait le plus de troubles psychiatriques. Les psychiatres qui développent un intérêt pour ce sujet semblent destinés à un rôle de consultant dans la compréhension de ce phénomène qui est avant tout d'ordre sociétal.

Intro -- Copyright -- LES MUSULMANS AU QUÉBEC -- PRÉFACE -- AVANT-PROPOS -- CHAPITRE I -- CHAPITRE II -- CHAPITRE III -- CHAPITRE IV -- CHAPITRE V -- CHAPITRE VI -- VII -- VIII -- IX -- En guise de conclusion -- Table des matières -- Chez Clermont éditeur -- Notes -- 4ème de couverture.