Suchergebnisse

This paper aims to question of the relationship between the phenomenon of "Islamic radicalization" supposed to be a breeding ground for terrorism and the concept of territoriality that suggests the occupation of spaces like prisons by the actors suspected to be associated with these phenomena.

Clay Ramsay, The ideology of the Great Fear; the case of the Soissonais.
Clay Ramsay studies the discourse of revolts and the discourse on revolts. In Soissonais the Great Fear assumed the appearance of a conservative revolution in largely reproducing popular ideologies expressed during the Old Order. However, it also served as a starting point for a process of radicalization by allowing for a transition from a prepolitical mentality to a political mentality.

Zairean chasing in luanda.
The Zaïrean hunt which took place in Luanda in January 1993 was in fact aiming at the Angolans belonging to the Bakongo ethnic group exiled from Zaïre where the toughness of colonization had driven them in great numbers. As a struggle against the people and the community goods as such, it marked a turning point in their relationship with power and gave rise to the revival and the radicalization of the Kikango identity claim. Back to the country at the time of independence, molded into a different urban culture, they were doubly rejected, on political and socio-cultural grounds, which was to become worse given the part they will take particularly in black economy.

In spite of conditions of socio-economic and occupational traits similar to those of young French people belonging to the lower strata, second generation young North Africans display specific political attitudes and behavior. At the same age level and level of instruction, they show more political interest and commitment than their French-stock counterparts and are massively oriented to the left. While attachment to the Muslim religion persists, it is defined above all as a cultural and family heritage and appears weakly linked to politics. The role of French-North African girls is singular : their left-wing radicalization and political activism are even more manifest than those of boys, and they display less attachment to their cultural and family background.

In recent years, the international peasant movement, La Via Campesina, has sought to transcribe the peasant cause into law. In response to rights violations in the countryside - civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural - an effort was launched to demand that the Human Rights Council adopt an International Convention on Peasants Rights. By studying the case of La Via Campesina, one may underscore the kind of skills and alliances needed by activists (who are initially wary of the risk of dispossession that is entailed by recourse to a more expert and institutional repertory of action) in order to implement their advocacy strategy within UN bodies. Light is thus shed on the ways in which this strategy of collective action may benefit from the involvement of La Via Campesina members, even as it creates tensions and dilemmas relating to the possible de-radicalization of the cause. Adapted from the source document.

The Nazi Temptation of the Unemployed in Weimar Germany: a False Historical Hypothesis or Obviousness ?
Emmanuel Pierru
This article reviews the main historical researches which emphazise on the issue of the political effects of mass unemployment in Weimar Germany. The complexity and the tangle of those effects (direct, indirect, contextual) lead to question the common representation of the supposed decisive impact of unemployment in the Nazi dynamics. Electorally speaking, and considering that sociological investigation is confronted to severe statistical difficulties and to the risk of ecological fallacy, the hypothesis of a direct effect of unemployment on the Nazi Party electoral scores has to be refuted, meanwhile a "transfer effect" seems plausible. In this period, the forms of radicalization were closely connected with the structuration of political supply. The paramilitarization of the Weimar society and of the main political parties (Nazi Party and, above all, Communist Party) accounts for the enlistment of some unemployed in their ranks.

The wave of peasant demonstrations in 1998 & 1999 was one of the most important collective protests in Poland since the regime change. It was mainly interpreted as a symptom of the troubles of the Polish countryside, as a "protest fever" due to the inability of the peasantry to adapt to the market economy. Breaking with these interpretations in terms of pathology, this article aims to "normalize" the analysis of the demonstrations by taking into account the strategies of politization & shaping of the mobilization brought about by the organizations engaged in the movement. Far from being spontaneous, the protest movement appears to have been the relatively improbable result of the competitive action of politization of the economic crisis of the agricultural sector produced by the main organizations pretending to represent the peasantry in the post-communist political arena. The study of the media coverage of events allows us to perceive the decisive impact of the media on the dynamics of mobilization & on its apparent radicalization. By concentrating their attention on the most spectacular actions, the media tended to provide particularly wide coverage of the strategies of scandalization & of subversion of the rules of demonstration drawn up by the trade-union Samoobrona. Thus, even though it was marginal at the beginning of the mobilization, this organization managed to impose itself, via its leader Andrzej Lepper, as the main beneficiary of the protest movement. Adapted from the source document.

Paul Chopelin, « Wolves dressed up as lambs ». The reception of the constitutional priests
emigrating to the pontifical state (1792-1799)
From 1792, several constitutional priests who were civil servants decided to leave France to take refuge abroad, more particularly in the pontifical state. This exile was first the result of the discouragement of some ecclesiastics facing the radicalization of the religious dissension. Then, it was motivated by the involvement of a part of the constitutional clergy in the federalist rebellion which took place in 1793 in Lyon and Toulon. Though this didn't concern a great deal of priests, the Holy See was obliged to establish a procedure for receiving these ecclesiastics who had to retract their oath before being accepted in the pontifical state. Despite this retraction, the other exiled priests and the local authorities, obsessed by the Jansenism contagion, kept a constant watch over the former constitutional priests. These isolation measures were sometimes justified, for some of them hadn't completely given up their revolutionary commitment. Finally this suspicious atmosphere spread in the whole French clergy, especially after the arrival of the Republican troops in the Italian peninsula. This survey contributes to qualify the image of a counter-revolutionary emigrated clergy and following Jacques Godechot's work, focuses on the part played by the exiled priests, either refractors or constitutional ones, in the spreading of the revolutionary ideas in Europe.

Pour Sayyid Qotb (m. 1966), le combat-pour-Dieu (jihâd) est une obligation constitutive de la foi musulmane et, de nos jours, il peut être subversif contre les pouvoirs non islamiques en pays musulmans. L'Etat islamique à instaurer au terme de ce combat sera inspiré par les règles d'un «fiqh dynamique », droit musulman réinventé par les combattants du premier rang et non par les oulémas : l'imam autocrate disposera d'une allégeance de type mystique, mais sera contrôlé en permanence par des assemblées consultatives dans chaque unité de vie sociale et par un vaste parti islamique unique. Ainsi sera assurée, enfin, l'exclusive souveraineté de Dieu sur toute la société. Dans l'histoire de la pensée réformiste musulmane (de tendance intégriste avec Rida, mort en 1935) et dans celle de la pensée des Frères musulmans (fondés en 1928), voilà une radicalisation nette qu'accentueront encore les groupes «qotbistes» des années 1970 et 1980 en Egypte et en Syrie. For Sayyid Qotb (d.1966) the struggle-for-God (jihâd) is constitutive obligation of the Muslim faith, and in our time it can be subversive toward non-Islamic powers in Muslim countries. The Islamic state to be set up through this fight is inspired by the rules of a "dynamic fiqh", a Muslim law reinvented by the front-line combatants and not by the ulema: the autocratic imam demands an almost mystic allegiance but is checked by consultative assemblies in each unit of social life and by one vast Islamic party. Thus will the exclusive sovereignty of God be assured over the whole society. In the history of Muslim reformist thought (fundamentalist influenced by Ridâ, d. 1935) and of the Muslim Brethren (founded in 1928), this is a sharp radicalization accentuated by the "qotbists" of Egypt and Syria during the 1970s.