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The article analyzes the transformation of Islamic community of the Adygheya Republic during 1990-2015, new tendencies and actors. The author reveals new trends in the 2010s updated by the dynamics of the political background of Adygheya. The main focus is the factors constraining Muslims from radicalism in the 1990s – 2010s, as well as factors that may contribute to the spread of radical version of Islam today. According to the author, the factors of radicalization of Muslims in the Adygheya can be divided into two groups – federal and regional. The first concerns the many unresolved methodological issues relating to "New Muslims". As practice shows, the state unequivocal support of the "traditional Muslim clergy" contributes to the isolation of Salafis, limits the possibilities of intraconfessional dialogue. The facts of destruction of mosques, injunction religious books, extra-judicial persecution of Muslims and ban on headscarves (hijabs) in schools in the other regions of the Russian Federation forms the protest discourse. At the regional level a crisis of ethnic ideology Adyghe Khabze, economical crisis and broken social lifts contribute to the radicalization of Muslims. Islamic radicals are very active and professional in social networks, they create the groups whose target audience is youth. The activities of the radical "Internet imams", electronic "religious authorities" are typical for Adygheya and for the whole North Caucasus outside the native region. Their influence, agitation and propaganda are destructive and will have a negative impact in the future. A new trend is the departure of the Adyghe Muslims in ISIL (about 21 people from the beginning of 2015).

The purpose of this scientific article is to determine the actual problems of combating the spread of religious extremism among prisoners in Western Europe, Russia and the CIS.

The question of activation of ideology of radical political Islam and its new forms – «Islamism» and «jihadism» is raised.

The process of spreading radical Islamism among the criminal part of Western and post-Soviet society is comprehensively studied and analyzed. It is emphasized that in the context of the decline of all ideological constructs of European origin, claiming to own and universal project, Islamism is becoming more and more clearly and clearly a «new alternative style» with impressive prospects of covering a variety of social groups not only in the countries of traditional spread of Islam, but also in Western Europe.

It is emphasized that Islam with its egalitarian ethos has a historical experience of ideological expansion to the masses.

The problem of the wide spread of Islam as a religion and ideology of Islamism among those serving sentences in the penitentiary institutions of Western Europe is particularly raised. In particular, the authors draw attention to the existing processes of symbiosis of Islamic radicalism and criminality both in penitentiaries and in the wild after release from prison. Such processes tend to further entrench and spread on the territory of Russia and the post-Soviet States of Central Asia.

The reasons for the spread of radical Islam in places of deprivation of liberty are formulated. The article analyzes the most effective measures in the world to counter radicalization in places of detention, examines domestic and foreign programs of de-radicalization.

The author emphasizes the timeliness and importance of the development of Islamic education as a factor to prevent the influence of extremist ideology on believers.

The article examines the new realities of Russia's foreign policy after the "Arab Spring" and the potential for increased Russian influence in the Maghreb. One of the consequences of the recent political upheavals in North Africa is the growth of terrorist threat – this factor draws particular attention to this region. The Maghreb is important for the promotion of Russian interests in the Arab world and the African continent. Russia and North Africa are seeking strategic cooperation, and these countries have long-term friendship and mutual interests in the political and economic spheres. Further increase of the interaction will strengthen bilateral relations, will make it easier to survive during the political and economic crisis. The article analyzes the formation, the current state and prospects of Russian-Algerian, Moroccan-Russian and Russian-Tunisian relations. Algeria is one of the leading economic partners of Russia on the African continent. The main areas of bilateral cooperation are the energy and military spheres. The growth of the terrorist threat in the Sahara-Sahel region prompted Russia and Morocco to deepen security cooperation. In the context of EU economic sanctions against Russia a priority in Russian- Tunisian and Russian-Moroccan trade relations is to enhance cooperation in the field of agriculture. Russia is a traditional exporter of Moroccan oranges and Tunisian olive oil. Promising areas of cooperation of Russia and Tunisia are the development of water resources and hydraulic engineering, infrastructure projects in the field of construction of roads, bridges, industrial facilities. Expansion of ties with the North African countries will allow Russia to increase influence in the region.

The article considers the transformation of basic values, life plans and behavioral strategies of the youth in contemporary Belarus. The changes in basic values are directly connected with the youth's adaptation to the conditions of global instability. The new generation is sensitive to social injustice, violations of rights and freedoms, unwillingness to take into account their opinions on current issues of social development and the future. The self-perception of people regarding the possibility to realize basic values in the current social-economic conditions is an important factor of social stability. In both 1990 and 2018, family holds the first place among the basic values in Belarus; work takes the second place as a factor of decent life and family's success; the importance of friends and leisure remains the same over the decades, while the importance of politics and religion grows. International comparisons show that Belarus has the same hierarchy of values as European countries. The surveys prove a decrease in popularity of the traditional media among the youth and an increase in individualism, importance of personal self-realization in family and at work, and in reliance on one's own forces. In the public space, the needs and expectations of people have changed - there is an increase in political radicalization and critical perception of the most important events, which affects the behavioral patterns of social-demographic groups. Education together with the family and new information technologies have a significant impact on values - there is an intragenerational gap, alienation from society and increasing informatization. The article is based on the results of the sociological surveys conducted in the framework of the European Values Study (EVS) (the results of 1990 and 2018 are compared).

Islamism appears one of the most important phenomena of our times and it
greatly affects many global processes. In the Muslim world one can hardly find
a country where Islamism would not be an influential and stable political factor. It
seems impossible to comprehend modern Muslim (especially Arab) societies without taking into account the role of Islamism as simultaneously an ideology, a cultural environment, and a mode of life and guideline to follow. And if one keeps in
mind the increasingly large share of the Muslim population in the world, it appears
impossible to ignore their impact in current and future globalization trends. All
these make the correlation between globalization and Islamism an urgent issue
which is, nevertheless, understudied. In the present article we would like to outline
some patterns and landmarks of this mutual interaction.
Currently, Islamism is one of the most complicated social phenomena; it is
a multi-faceted, changing and heterogeneous movement within whose framework
there unfolds an intensive ideological and political struggle. We hope the present
article will help the reader to obtain some idea about this important phenomenon
of the modern world whose development involves interests of billions of people of
all countries, religions and views. At that, we emphasize that it is vital to distinguish between radical and moderate types of Islamism; the latter is promising with
respect to becoming a positive and promising wing of political system in Muslim
countries. We suppose that it is impossible to eliminate the dangers of radical and
terrorist Islamism only by force. One may hope to achieve this goal if to separate it
from moderate Islamism while the latter should become more respectable, open and
involved in common political life.

The author considers Islamism not only as a socio-political movement, but he also examines historical and civilizational features of the Near and Middle East, which contributed to the fact that it was just the place where Islamism emerged and manifests itself as a perceptible phenomenon. Historical, ideological and socio-political reasons for its appearance and widespread use in most Islamic countries are mentioned in the article. The paper regards the historical development of Islamism, the reasons for its victories in the 1970 - 1980s, and the rise of the Islamic revival. Islamism is one of the most complex social phenomena of the present time. It is a many-sided, changing and heterogeneous movement, within the framework of which a very intense ideological and political struggle takes place. The author pays attention to the deep roots and broad social support of Islamism by the population, its numerous social functions. The definition of Islamism and its main trends (moderate and radical) are given in the article. The reasons for its plurality are explained. It is shown that moderate Islamism, unlike radical one, seeks to integrate into the legal political space, and therefore can be an ally in the struggle against radical Islamism, as well as strong secular political regimes.

В статье анализируется начальный этап развития революционного народничества через читательские практики поколения 1870-х гг. Автор обращается к сети учеников Архангельской духовной семинарии, существовавшей в начале 1870-х гг., рассматривая ее как типичный случай читательского сообщества в среднем учебном заведении. В статье показана связь радикализации семинаристов с реформой духовного образования 1867 г. В ней также выявлены контакты духовных воспитанников с политическими ссыльными, присутствие которых в Архангельске усложняет анализируемый кейс. Отношения участников сообщества, реконструируемые на основе переписки семинаристов и выпускников, а также материалов педагогических собраний правления, исследуются с помощью инструмента анализа социальных сетей Gephi. Автор показывает замкнутость анализируемой сети в рамках духовного сословия. В губернском городе главными контрагентами семинаристов были учителя и воспитанники духовных училищ, а не их единомышленники из светских учебных заведений. Внутри семинарии анализируемая сеть характеризуется слабыми связями. Хотя интерес к радикальной литературе проявляли ученики всех классов, участники сети поддерживали отношения внутри небольшой группы, члены которой имели значительную разницу в возрасте. При этом ученики одного курса могли не знать об общих увлечениях и презрительно отзываться об одноклассниках. Автор приходит к выводу, что поступление в высшее учебной заведение, бывшее основной целью анализируемой группы, не обязательно приводило к дальнейшему вовлечению вреволюционное движение. Увлечение радикальной литературой в среднем учебном заведении не определяло автоматически жизненные траектории представителей поколения 1870-х гг.
The article analyzes the initial stage of the development of the revolutionary Narodnik movement through the reading practices of the 1870s generation. The author addresses an issue of the student network in Arkhangelsk Theological Seminary, which existed in the early 1870s, considering it as a typical case of a reading community in a secondary educational institution. The article shows the connection between radicalization of seminarians and reform of ecclesiastical education in 1867. It also reveals contacts of ecclesiastical students with political exiles, whose presence in Arkhangelsk makes the analyzed case more complex. The relationships of community members, which are reconstructed on the basis of correspondence between seminarians and graduates as well as materials from pedagogical board meetings, are examined by means of Gephi, a social network analysis tool. The author shows isolation of the network under analysis within the clergy estate. In the provincial city, the main counterparties of the seminarians were teachers and students of theological schools rather than their like-minded fellows from secular educational institutions. Within the seminary, the network under analysis is characterized by weak connections. Although students from all grades showed interest in radical literature, the network members maintained relationships within a small group whose members had a significant age difference. At the same time, students of the same year could not know about common interests and speak contemptuously about their classmates. The author comes to the conclusion that admission to a higher educational institution, which was the main goal of the analyzed group, did not necessarily lead to further involvement in the revolutionary movement. Interest in radical literature in secondary school did not automatically determine the life trajectories of the 1870s generation representatives.