Suchergebnisse

Dieser Forschungsbericht bietet einen systematischen und umfassenden Überblick über die Forschungslandschaft im Bereich der Extremismusforschung in Nordrhein-Westfalen (NRW). Er weist auch auf einige bundesweite Vorhaben mit besonderer Relevanz für das Thema hin. Der Bericht berücksichtigt dabei Forschungstätigkeiten im Zeitraum zwischen August 2019 und Juli 2020, die entweder im Rahmen drittmittelgeförderter Forschungsprojekte oder innerhalb von institutionellen Forschungsschwerpunkten durchgeführt wurden. In NRW und bundesweit arbeiten zahlreiche Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler auch unabhängig von Drittmittelprojekten oder einschlägigen Forschungsschwerpunkten an ihren jeweiligen Institutionen zu relevanten Aspekten der Extremismusforschung. Entsprechend breit gestreut und divers sind auch individuelle Forschungsressourcen und Fachwissen. Die enorme Vielzahl dieser Einzelexpertisen kann in diesem Bericht ungeachtet ihrer hohen Relevanz für die Forschung nicht vollständig abgebildet werden. Er ist vielmehr ein jährlich aktualisiertes "living document", das weitere und neu entstehende Forschungsvorhaben aufnehmen wird. Die Gliederung unterscheidet zunächst zwischen den drei Unterthemen, die das Forschungsnetzwerk CoRE-NRW bearbeitet: 1) extremistischer Salafismus und Islamismus, 2) Rechtsextremismus und 3) phänomenübergreifende Ansätze sowie andere extremistische Ideologien. In jedem dieser Cluster unterscheidet der Bericht wiederum zwischen a) "Forschung in NRW" (in der Regel Einzelvorhaben von in NRW beheimateten Instituten); b) "Bundesweite Forschung" (besonders relevante bundesweite Vorhaben sowie Kooperations- und Verbundprojekte innerhalb Deutschlands, die teils mit Beteiligung von Forschungseinrichtungen in NRW umgesetzt werden); c) "Forschung in Europa" (bedeutende europäische Forschung und größere Projekte, die Institute in NRW gemeinsam mit Partnern im europäischen Ausland durchführen). Eine tabellarische Übersicht entlang der drei Cluster gibt zu Beginn des Berichts die Forschungsprojekte in alphabetischer Reihenfolge wieder. In der detaillierten Beschreibung der einzelnen Forschungstätigkeiten macht der Bericht zunächst Angaben zum Projekttitel, der Laufzeit, Fördereinrichtungen sowie Ansprechpartnerinnen und -partnern. Es folgt eine Kurzbeschreibung mit Hintergrundinformationen, den wichtigsten Forschungsfragen, der Methodik sowie den Ergebnissen inklusive aktueller relevanter Publikationen (falls vorhanden). Die Kurzbeschreibungen der Projekte sind nach Ende der Laufzeit absteigend sortiert. Daran schließen die Präsentationen der Institute in alphabetischer Reihenfolge an. Im Cluster zum extremistischen Salafismus und Islamismus zählt der Forschungsbericht insgesamt 20 drittmittelgeförderte Forschungsprojekte bzw. -verbünde sowie ein Transferprojekt auf. Davon sind sechs Projekte Einzelvorhaben von Instituten in Nordrhein-Westfalen. Die wichtigste Fördereinrichtung in Nordrhein-Westfalen war das Ministerium für Kultur und Wissenschaft (MKW) NRW mit insgesamt sechs geförderten Forschungsprojekten. Das Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend (BMFSFJ) sowie die Fritz Thyssen Stiftung förderten jeweils ein weiteres Projekt im Bundesland. Zehn Projekte haben eine bundesweite bzw. länderübergreifende und zwei eine europäische Zusammensetzung. Deutschlandweite Forschungsvorhaben zum extremistischen Salafismus und Islamismus werden vom BMFSJ (fünf Projekte), dem Bundeministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF; drei Projekte) sowie dem Bundeministerium des Innern, für Bau und Heimat (BMI; zwei Projekte) gefördert. Auf europäischer Ebene stellt der Bericht ein Projekt, das mit Mitteln der Europäischen Union (EU) finanziert wird, sowie ein vom BMI gefördertes Vorhaben vor. Im Cluster zum Rechtsextremismus fällt die vergleichsweise geringe Anzahl von Forschungsprojekten mit Drittmittelförderung auf. Insgesamt gibt es hier sieben Projekte, wobei vier auf Landes-, eines auf Bundes- und zwei auf europäischer Ebene angesiedelt sind. Landes- und Bundesministerien treten in diesem Themenfeld bislang nicht als Mittelgeber in Erscheinung. Die drei Forschungsvorhaben erhalten stattdessen Förderung von der Mercator Stiftung (NRW), der Deutsch-Israelischen Stiftung für Wissenschaftliche Forschung und Entwicklung (bundesweite Ausrichtung) sowie von der Europäischen Union (europäische Verbundprojekte). Die Forschung zu Rechtsextremismus ist weniger projektbasiert, sondern in institutionelle Forschungsschwerpunkte ohne Drittmittelförderung eingebettet. Um die Forschungsbandbreite in diesem Phänomenbereich zu verdeutlichen, stellt der Bericht in diesem Cluster außerdem einige bedeutende Institute und Forschungsschwerpunkte vor, die ohne externe Förderung an diesem Thema arbeiten. Das dritte Cluster präsentiert Forschungstätigkeiten, die sich phänomenübergreifend und/oder vergleichend mit extremistischen Ideologien auseinandersetzen oder andere Formen des Extremismus, beispielweise den Linksextremismus, in den Blick nehmen. Der Bericht führt in diesem Bereich insgesamt 24 Projekte auf. Davon werden vier in Nordrhein-Westfalen durchgeführt (Förderung jeweils durch das MKW, aus Eigenmitteln, das Bundesministerium der Verteidigung und das BMFSFJ). Acht Projekte haben eine bundesweite Zusammensetzung (drei Projekte mit Förderung durch das BMBF, weitere vier Projekte mit Mitteln des BMFSFJ, zwei Projekte mit Förderung des BMI). Von den 11 europäischen Projekten erhalten 10 Mittel der Europäischen Union (EU) und ein weiteres erhält Unterstützung der Universität Swansea und Facebook. Das breite Spektrum der Themen in diesem Cluster umfasst u. a. die Verbreitung von Falschnachrichten, die Evaluation von Präventionsvorhaben, internationalen Wissensaustausch und Stärkung der Fachkräfte der Prävention sowie technologische Unterstützung für Strafverfolgungsbehörden bei der Ermittlung extremistischer Straftaten im Internet.

The myth that the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) can be the 'cure' for fragile heterogeneous societies has been debunked shortly before its 10th anniversary. The general research question of this article is how political parties in Macedonia assess the role of the OFA in building functioning multiethnic society, while the specific puzzle is what accounts for the radicalism of the nationalistic rhetoric of the political parties in Macedonia? We argue that the assessment of the successfulness of the OFA implementation would depend on the parties' position of power and the type of ethnic community (majority, majority minority or non-majority minority). We find the bad economic situation and the exclusion from government to be the most perceived radicalizers of nationalistic party rhetoric in Macedonia. This case study uses qualitative analyses of thirty semi-structured interviews with high representatives of 26 most important political parties in Macedonia.

The armed conflict in Syria has accelerated in recent months. Both regime and rebels see themselves in a fight for survival that leaves no room for compromise. External supporters of both sides treat the conflict as a zero-sum game with far-reaching and, for some actors existential, consequences for their own strategic positions, and are therefore determined to prevent any outcome they would regard as disadvantageous. Their diplomatic, financial and in some cases military support fans the flames of conflict and strengthens the hand of hardliners on both sides. For the foreseeable future, there is good reason to expect that the conflict will be neither resolved politically nor won militarily. The priority for Europeans should be to stem the violence and support inclusive civilian structures; the latter could contribute to improving living conditions at the local level and counteracting radical and centrifugal tendencies. (author's abstract)

The persistence, radicalisation and penetration of transnational globalising processes, with brutal negative impacts on ecology, working conditions and daily life in all its dimensions, has led to revisions of the basic concepts analysing the social and political reality, and questioning and rethinking social movements in relation to their own objectives and strategies. At the same time, the women's movement and the visibility of feminism have grown in recent decades. In Argentina, collective action by women resulted in the institutionalisation of spaces at state level, progress at formal level in recognition of rights and a certain acceptance of the feminist perspective in different areas. This study on Argentina aims to analyse how, to what extent and to what extent women's claims have been integrated, recognised or accepted by other social movements; and to identify links — if any — between feminist and women's movements and other social movements, setting out the themes and forms they have taken on. Faculty of Humanities and Education Sciences ; La persistencia, radicalización y penetración de los procesos globalizadores transnacionales, con brutales impactos negativos sobre la ecología, las condiciones laborales y la vida cotidiana en todas sus dimensiones, ha dado lugar a revisiones en los conceptos básicos con los que se analizaba la realidad social y política, y cuestionamientos y replanteos en los Movimientos Sociales en relación a sus propios objetivos y estrategias. Simultáneamente, en las últimas décadas ha crecido el movimiento de mujeres y la visibilidad del feminismo. En Argentina la acción colectiva de las mujeres tuvo entre sus resultados la institucionalización de espacios a nivel estatal, avances a nivel formal en cuanto a reconocimiento de derechos y una cierta aceptación de la perspectiva feminista en distintos ámbitos. Este estudio sobre Argentina pretende analizar de qué modo, en qué medida y con qué alcances, las reivindicaciones de las mujeres han sido integradas, reconocidas o admitidas ...

Chapter 1 Introduction: The Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence: Growing Threats, Delayed Responses, Evgeny Pashentsev -- Part I The Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence against Psychological Security: Forms and Methods -- Chapter 2 General Content and Possible Threat Classifications of the Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence to Psychological Security, Evgeny Pashentsev -- Chapter 3 The Malicious Use of Deepfakes against Psychological Security and Political Stability, Evgeny Pashentsev -- Chapter 4 Automating Extremism: Mapping the Affective Roles of Artificial Agents in Online Radicalization, Peter Mantello, Manh-Tung Ho and Lena Podoletz -- Chapter 5 Hate Speech in Perception Management Campaigns: New Opportunities of Sentiment Analysis and Affective Computing, Yury Kolotaev -- Chapter 6 Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence through Agenda Setting, Evgeny Pashentsev -- Part II Areas of Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence in the Context of Threats to Psychological Security -- Chapter 7 The COVID-19 Pandemic and the Rise of Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence Threats to National and International Psychological Security, Marta N. Lukacovic and Deborah D. Sellnow-Richmond -- Chapter 8. Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence in Political Campaigns: Challenges for International Psychological Security for the Next Decades, Marius Vacarelu -- Chapter 9 Destabilization of Unstable Dynamic Social Equilibriums and the Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence in High-Tech Strategic Psychological Warfare, Evgeny Pashentsev -- Chapter 10 Current and Future Threats of the Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence by Terrorists: Psychological Aspects, Darya Bazarkina -- Chapter 11 Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence and the Threats to Corporate Reputation in International Business, Erik Vlaeminck -- Part III Regional and National Implications of the Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence and Psychological Security -- Chapter 12. Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence: Risks to Psychological Security in BRICS Countries, Evgeny Pashentsev and Darya Bazarkina -- Chapter 13 The Threats and Current Practice of Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence in Psychological Area in China, Darya Bazarkina, Ekaterina Mikhalevich, Evgeny Pashentsev, and Darya Matyashova -- Chapter 14 Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence, Uncertainty, and U.S.–China Strategic Mutual Trust, Cuihong Cai and Ruoyang Zhang -- Chapter 15 Scenario Analysis of Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence and Challenges to Psychological Security in India, Arvind Gupta and Aakash Guglani -- Chapter 16 Current and Potential Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence Threats in the Psychological Domain: the Case of Japan, Darya Bazarkina, Yury Kolotaev, Evgeny Pashentsev, and Darya Matyashova -- Chapter 17 Geopolitical Competition and the Challenges for the EU of Countering the Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence, Pierre-Emannuelle Thomann -- Chapter 18. Germany: Rising Sociopolitical Controversies and Threats to Psychological Security from the Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence, Darya Matyashova -- Chapter 19 Artificial Intelligence and Deepfakes in Strategic Deception Campaigns: The U.S. and Russian Experiences, Sergei A. Samoilenko and Inna Suvorova -- Chapter 20 Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence and Threats to Psychological Security in Latin America: Common Problems, Current Practice and Prospects, Evgeny Pashentsev and Darya Bazarkina -- Chapter 21 Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence and the Threat to Psychological Security in the Middle East: Aggravation of Political and Social Turbulence, Vitali Romanovski -- Part IV Future Horizons: The New Quality of Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence Threats to Psychological Security -- Chapter 22 Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence in the Metaverse: Possible Threats and Countermeasures, Sergey A. Sebekin and Andrei Kalegin -- Chapter 23. Unpredictable Threats from the Malicious Use of Artificial Strong Intelligence, Alexander Raikov -- Chapter 24 Prospects for a Qualitative Breakthrough in Artificial Intelligence Development and Possible Models for Social Development: Opportunities and Threats, Evgeny Pashentsev -- Chapter 25 Conclusion Per Aspera Ad Astra, Evgeny Pashentsev.

PART 1 TYPOLOGY OF THE TIME SPAN 1945-2018 -- 1. The Seventies' Gap -- 2. Transition Period -- PART 2 CLIMATE OF THE SEVENTIES -- PART 2.1 End of the Vietnam War -- 3. Vietnam -- 4. American Polarization of the Early Seventies -- 5. Further Setbacks -- 6. Paris Peace Accords -- 7. Nixon Policies -- PART 2.2 Watergate -- 8. The Scandal -- 9. Consequences -- PART 2.3 Financial Scandals -- 10. Franklin National Bank -- PART 2.4 Counterculture -- 11. The New Left -- 12. Introduction to Counterculture -- 13. Counterculture -- 14. Rock Music -- 15. Fashion -- 16. Drug Issues -- 17. Feminism -- 18. Radical Feminism -- 19. Environmentalism -- 20. Alternative communes -- 21. The Informality of the Seventies -- PART 2.5 Political Climate of the Seventies -- 22. Restiveness of the Early Seventies -- 23. The American Divide -- 24. The Violent International Atmosphere of the Seventies -- 25. Yom Kippur War -- PART 2.6 The Normality of the Seventies -- 26. Some General Data -- 27. Technology and Developments -- 28. Deindustrialization -- 29. Concorde -- 30. 1973-Laws -- 31. Books -- PART 3 THE NEW ECONOMIC ORDER 123 -- PART 3.1 The Radical Economic Transformation during the Seventies -- 32. Bretton Woods Agreement -- 33. The Nixon Shock -- 34. Deregulation -- 35. Neoliberalism -- PART 3.2 1973-Oil Crisis -- 36. Oil Crisis -- 37. Some Economic Figure -- 38. Genesis of the Oil Shock -- 39. Further Considerations -- 40. Summing up -- 41. Cheap Money of the Seventies -- 42. Energy, Inflation and Unemployment -- 43. Lack of Alternative Solutions -- 44. Further Consequences of the 1973-Oil Crisis -- 45. Oil Crisis in the United States -- 46. Oil Crisis in Europe -- PART 4 CONSEQUENCES OF THE SEVENTIES -- 47. The Seventies as a Momentous Decade -- PART 4.1 End of the Long Boom -- 48. The Long Boom -- 49. Origins of the Long Boom -- 50. Baby Boom -- 51. The Good Life -- 52. Consequences of the End of the Long Boom -- PART 4.2 Cold War Evolution -- 53. Cold War Evolution -- 54. Cold War II -- PART 4.3 Oil and Gas Litigation -- 55. Oil Disputes -- PART 5 CONSEQUENCES OF THE OIL CRISIS OVER DEVELOPING COUNTRIES -- 56. Oil Crisis and Developing Countries -- PART 5.1 Ethiopia -- 57. Fall of the Ethiopian Empire -- 58. Post-Imperial Ethiopia -- 59. Ethiopia in the Eighties -- 60. Links and Further Development -- PART 5.2 Bangladesh -- 61. 1974-Famine -- PART 5.3 Chile -- 62. Salvador Allende -- 63. Alleged Foreign Meddling -- 64. Further Economic Factors -- 65. The Invisible Blockade -- 66. Relationship between the Nixon Shock and the 1973-Chilean Crisis -- PART 5.4 Iran -- 67. Iran of Mohammed Mosaddegh -- 68. Reza Pahlavi -- 69. Persepolis -- 70. The loss of the Western Support -- 71. Iranian Revolution -- 72. Destabilizing Effects -- 73. Resumption of Sunni-Shia Tensions -- 74. Radicalization of the Mideast -- 75. Consequences of the Iranian Revolution for Iraq -- 76. Lebanese Civil War -- 77. Hezbollah -- 78. Arab Spring -- PART 5.5 Egypt -- 79. Camp David -- PART 5.6 Iraq -- 80. Iraqi Factionalism -- 81. Ascent to Power of Saddam Hussein -- 82. Saddam Hussein -- 83. Influence of the Oil Crisis on the Mideast Recent History -- 84. Political Background of the Iran-Iraq War -- 85. Iran-Iraq War -- 86. Outline of Future Developments -- PART 6 SECOND OIL CRISIS OF THE SEVENTIES -- 87. 1979-Oil Crisis -- 88. The Mexican Crisis -- 89. Consequences of High Oil Prices -- PART 7 SOVIET UNION BREAKUP -- 90. Leonid Brezhnev -- 91. The Soviet Crisis -- 92. Costs of the Intelligence Service Activities -- 93. Background of the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan -- 94. The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan -- 95. Fall of the Berlin Wall -- 96. Link between Oil and Soviet Crisis -- PART 8 LEGACIES OF THE SEVENTIES -- 97. Political Radicalism -- 98. Boom of the Media -- 99. Individualism as Legacy of the Seventies -- 100. Political Consent as Legacy of the Seventies -- 101. Summing Up.

Thèse en cotutelle, Université Laval, Québec, Canada et Université Bordeaux Montaigne, Talence, France ; Profitant de l'opportunité offerte par Internet de s'adresser directement à ses publics sans passer par le « goulot d'étranglement » du système du gatekeeping traditionnel, l'organisation terroriste Daech a pu construire un discours polarisant, capable de s'adresser aussi bien à l'individu qu'à la collectivité, à ses adeptes qu'à ses ennemis. Ce contexte particulier constitue la problématique générale de cette recherche : avant les médias numériques, les organisations terroristes dépendaient des médias traditionnels pour se faire connaître auprès du public et ne possédaient qu'une marge de manœuvre limitée pour parler d'elles-mêmes. En contournant le système du gatekeeping traditionnel, Daech a été capable de construire un récit propagandiste djihadiste particulièrement efficace. Non seulement cette propagande aura dépassé les frontières étatiques et culturelles, mais elle aura également participé à la radicalisation de milliers d'individus qui, depuis 2014, ont rallié les rangs de Daech. Ce travail souhaite participer à la compréhension de l'émergence de la propagande terroriste de l'organisation djihadiste Daech par les médias numériques dans une perspective narrative et énonciative. Dans cette perspective, nous avons formulé les questions de recherche suivante : Comment est construit le récit propagandiste de Daech dans les médias numériques ? Quelles en sont les caractéristiques énonciatives et narratives ? Afin de répondre à ces interrogations, nous avons mobilisé une méthodologie d'analyse du discours issue d'une approche sémiotique, l'étude de la narrativité selon les propositions de Greimas et de Courtés. Cette recherche a permis de mettre en exergue les fondements narratifs de cette propagande numérique. Le discours de Daech constitue une expérience numérique unique à ce jour : ces propagandistes ont mobilisé tous les moyens possibles pour construire un discours le plus légitime possible, empruntant pour ce faire aussi bien à une liturgie extrémiste de l'Islam qu'aux genres médiatiques et culturels occidentaux. ; Taking advantage of the opportunity offered by the Internet to address its audiences directly without going through the "bottleneck" of the traditional gatekeeping system, the terrorist organization Daech (ISIS) has been able to construct a polarizing discourse, capable of addressing the individual as well as the collective, its followers as well as its enemies. This particular context constitutes the general problem of this research: before digital media, terrorist organizations depended on traditional media to make themselves known to the public and had limited room for manoeuvre to speak for themselves. By bypassing the traditional gatekeeping system, Daech was able to construct a particularly effective jihadist propaganda narrative. Not only has this propaganda transcended state and cultural boundaries, but it has also contributed to the radicalization of thousands of individuals who, since 2014, have joined Daech's ranks. This work aims to contribute to the understanding of the emergence of the terrorist propaganda of the jihadist organization Daech through digital media in a narrative and enunciative perspective. In this perspective, we have formulated the following research questions: How is Daech's propaganda narrative constructed in the digital media? What are its enunciative and narrative characteristics? In order to answer these questions, we have mobilized a methodology of discourse analysis based on a semiotic approach, the study of narrativity according to the proposals of Greimas and Courtés. This research has allowed us to highlight the narrative foundations of this digital propaganda. Daech's discourse constitutes a unique digital experience to this day: these propagandists have mobilized all possible means to construct a discourse that is as legitimate as possible, borrowing for this purpose both from an extremist liturgy of Islam and from Western media and cultural genres.

This paper aims to map the root of terrorism in Indonesia from the Islamic movement perspective. The authors want to know how the root of terrorism has strengthened in Indonesia. A qualitative method approach was taken through a literature study regarding the delivery of research map information while the data was exported in the RIS Export file format. Then, the authors exported the data and processed it using VOSviewer to find out a bibliometric map of research development based on significant themes of Indonesian terrorism cases. Nvivo 12 plus provided exploration and description of terrorism in Indonesia to get an efficient explanation of the data. The findings are, the first to map the issue of terrorism in Indonesia. First, there was a correlation between terrorism, radicalism, and Islam. Different views of religious teachings eventually led to the terrorism movement. Several radical Islamic organizations in Indonesia have portrayed Islam as a terrorist religion. Second, the factors causing the strengthening of terrorism in Indonesia were due to injustice, oppression, and discrimination leading to terrorism and radicalism using the concept of jihad. This research suggests that the government can handle terrorism cases in Indonesia and neutralize ideas that are considered radical with a de-radicalization approach. (Tulisan ini bertujuan memetakan akar terorisme di Indonesia dari aspek gerakan Islam. Penulis ingin mengetahui bagaimana akar terorisme menguat di Indonesia. Pendekatan metode kualitatif ditempuh melalui studi pustaka sedangkan untuk penyampaian informasi peta penelitian, data diekspor dalam format file Ekspor RIS. Kemudian, penulis mengekspor data dalam format (RIS), mengolahnya menggunakan VOS viewer untuk mengetahui peta bibliometrik pengembangan penelitian berdasarkan tema signifikan kasus terorisme di Indonesia dan menggunakan Nvivo 12 plus untuk memberikan eksplorasi dan deskripsi terorisme di Indonesia demi mendapatkan penjelasan yang efisien dari data. Temuan penelitian ini adalah; Pertama, pada tahap pemetaan isu terorisme di Indonesia, terdapat korelasi antara terorisme, radikalisme, dan Islam. Perbedaan pandangan terhadap ajaran agama pada akhirnya memunculkan gerakan terorisme. Beberapa organisasi Islam radikal di Indonesia telah mencitrakan Islam sebagai agama teroris. Kedua, diketahui faktor penyebab menguatnya terorisme di Indonesia adalah rasa ketidakadilan, penindasan dan diskriminasi yang berujung pada gerakan terorisme dan radikalisme dengan mengusung konsep jihad. Saran dari penelitian ini adalah agar pemerintah dapat menangani kasus terorisme di Indonesia dan menetralisir ide-ide yang dianggap radikal dengan pendekatan deradikalisasi. ; Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memetakan akar terorisme di Indonesia yang dikaji dari aspek gerakan Islam dan penulis ingin mengetahui bagaimana akar terorisme menguat di Indonesia. Pendekatan metode kualitatif ditempuh penulis melalui studi pustaka, mengenai penyampaian informasi peta penelitian, data diekspor dalam format file Ekspor RIS. Kemudian peneliti mengekspor data dalam format (RIS), mengolahnya menggunakan VOSviewer untuk mengetahui peta bibliometrik pengembangan penelitian berdasarkan tema signifikan kasus terorisme di Indonesia dan menggunakan Nvivo 12 plus untuk memberikan eksplorasi dan deskripsi terorisme di Indonesia untuk mendapatkan penjelasan yang efisien dari data. Temuan penelitian ini adalah pertama, pada tahap pemetaan isu terorisme di Indonesia, ternyata terdapat korelasi antara terorisme, radikalisme, dan Islam. Perbedaan pandangan terhadap ajaran agama ini pada akhirnya memunculkan gerakan terorisme. Beberapa organisasi Islam radikal di Indonesia telah mencitrakan Islam sebagai agama teroris. Kedua, ditemukan bahwa faktor penyebab menguatnya terorisme di Indonesia adalah karena adanya rasa ketidakadilan, penindasan dan diskriminasi yang berujung pada gerakan terorisme dan radikalisme dengan cara Jihad. Saran dari penelitian ini adalah pemerintah dapat menangani kasus terorisme di Indonesia dan menetralisir ide-ide yang dianggap radikal dengan pendekatan deradikalisasi.

Terörizmin demokratik toplumlarda mı, yoksa otoriter ya da totaliter hükûmetlerin iktidarda olduğu toplumlarda mı daha fazla imkânlar bulabildiği konusunda görüş farklılıkları vardır. Hâkim görüş demokrasinin terörizm için diğerlerinden daha fazla imkânlar sunduğu yönündedir. Bu halde demokrasiyi dünya üzerinde yaygınlaştırmaya matuf çabaların altında yatan niyetlerden birkaçının ülkedeki toplumsal gruplar arasında çatışmalar oluşturmak, siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik istikrarsızlıklar yaratmak, devletleri/hükûmetleri güçsüzleştirmek vb. olduğu ileri sürülebilir. Nitekim bazı devletlerin hâlihazırda bir yandan demokrasiyi teşvik etmeleri diğer yandan ise terörizme ve terör örgütlerine destekler vermeleri, demokrasinin bu uğurda kullanılabileceğine dair iddiaları bir komplo teorisinin ürünü olmaktan çıkarmaktadır. İnsanın yaşam kalitesinin artırılabilmesi için önemi haiz olan demokrasi, bazı toplumlarda radikal fikirlerin oluşması için uygun zeminler sunabilir. Öyle bir zeminde radikalleşmeyi hızlandırıp aşırıcı davranışları teşvik ederek toplumlarda azınlık durumunda bulunan vatandaşlar ya da diğer gruplar aleyhinde aşırı sağ terörizmin gelişimini de kolaylaştırabilir. Terörizmin bu türü özellikle kültürel çeşitliliğe sahip olan toplumlarda toplumsal bütünleşmenin sağlanabilmesinin önündeki engellerden biridir. Bu nedenle özellikle bu tür toplumlarda demokratik polislik hizmetleri önem kazanmaktadır. Ancak polislik hizmetlerinde görev alacak olan kişilerin ideolojik kimlikleri, polislik hizmetlerini sunan kurumların yerleşik kurumsal kimlikleri, ülkedeki toplumsal gruplar arasında "hâkim" durumda bulunan grupların diğerlerine ilişkin algıları ve tutumları, tüm iyi niyetli çabalara rağmen, terörizmin bu türüyle mücadeleyi zorlaştırabilir. Zorluklarına rağmen demokrasilerde iç güvenlik yönetimleri ve polislik hizmetleri bu türdeki riskleri dikkate alan stratejilerin üretilmesi suretiyle yapılandırılmalıdır. Başka bir ifadeyle özellikle çokkültürlü toplumlarda polislik hizmetleri artık aşırı sağ terörizmle baş edebilecek nitelikte geliştirilmelidir. Çünkü aşırı sağ terörizmle mücadele meselesi hükûmetler için bir meşruiyet meselesi iken, devletler ve toplumları için bir beka meselesi olabilir. ; There are differences of opinion in whether terrorism finds more possibilities in democratic societies, authoritarian or totalitarian societies. The prevailing view is that democracy offers more opportunities for terrorism than others. In this case, it can argue some of the underlying intentions of the efforts to spread democracy around the world are to create conflicts between social groups in the country, to create political, social and economic instability, to weaken states/governments etc. As a matter of fact, the fact that some states are already promoting democracy on the one hand and supporting terrorism and terrorist organizations on the other hand makes the claims that democracy can be used for this purpose from being the product of a conspiracy theory. Democracy, which is important for increasing the quality of life of people, can provide suitable grounds for the formation of radical ideas in some societies. It can also facilitate the development of far-right terrorism against citizens or other groups who are in a minority position in societies by accelerating radicalization and encouraging extremist behavior on such a ground. This type of terrorism is one of the obstacles to social integration, especially in societies with cultural diversity. For this reason, democratic policing services gain importance especially in such societies. However, the ideological identities of the people who will take part in the police services, the established institutional identities of the institutions providing the policing services, the perceptions and attitudes of the groups that are in a "dominant" position among the social groups in state, may complicate the fight against this type of terrorism despite all well-intentioned efforts. Despite their difficulties, internal security administrations and policing services in democracies should be structured by producing strategies that take into account such risks. In other words, policing services, especially in multicultural societies, should be developed in a way that can cope with far-right terrorism. Because of while the issue of the fight against far-right terrorism is a matter of legitimacy for governments, it can be a matter of survival for states and their societies.

At the interface between intellectual history and sociology of education, the article addresses the uses of Antonio Gramsci made by the Argentinian Justa Ezpeleta and the Mexican Elsie Rockwell in the 70s and the 80s in the framework of the structuring of a critical educational ethnographic from the Department of Educational Research (DIE, which stands for Departamento de Investigaciones Educativas in Spanish), Federal District (Mexico). During the 60s/70s, in a context marked by political and theoretical radicalization, the academic training of Rockwell and Ezpeleta was settled. This context allowed them a creative approach to the critical paradigm and innovative educational experiences. With the irruption of the 1976 civic-military coup in Argentina, Ezpeleta will seek refuge in the Federal District and will find his place of work in DIE. Rockwell had worked at that institution since 1973, committed to the preparation and monitoring of textbooks. DIE will be the meeting place between Ezpeleta and Rockwell where they will show a unique line of research: critical educational ethnography. Although it had a history, the authors established an original perspective. Among his theoretical references, Gramsci's thought of wide political and academic circulation stood out during the 70s and the 80s in Mexico. The article considers that in the construction of educational ethnography, the Gramscian writings were used on four levels: (a) to base the epistemological perspective; (b) elucidate the historicity of the link between State, civil society and school institution; (c) analyze the daily presences of the junior classes in the school; (d) lay the foundations for an educational political project based on autonomy and popular prominence. Although the reception of Gramsci in Mexico during the 70s and 80s is increasingly being investigated, the educational level constitutes a vacancy. The article exposes results produced through qualitative strategies and methodological techniques. ; En la interfaz entre la historia intelectual y la sociología de la educación, el artículo aborda los usos de Antonio Gramsci efectuados por la argentina Justa Ezpeleta y la mexicana Elsie Rockwell en los años 70 y 80 en el marco de la estructuración de una etnográfica educativa crítica desde el Departamento de Investigaciones Educativas (DIE), Distrito Federal (México). Durante los años 60/70, en un contexto signado por la radicalización política y teórica, se dirimió la formación académica de Rockwell y Ezpeleta. Tal contexto les permitió un acercamiento creativo al paradigma crítico y a innovadoras experiencias educativas. Ante la irrupción del golpe cívico militar de 1976 en Argentina, Ezpeleta buscará refugio en el Distrito Federal y encontrará en el DIE su lugar de trabajo. Rockwell trabajaba en la institución desde 1973, comprometida en la elaboración y seguimiento de libros de textos. Será el DIE el espacio de encuentro entre Ezpeleta y Rockwell, donde desplegarán una singular línea de investigación: la etnografía educativa crítica. Si bien esta contaba con antecedentes, las autoras establecieron una perspectiva original. Entre sus referentes teóricos, sobresalió el pensamiento de Gramsci, de amplia circulación política y académica durante los 70 y 80 en México. El artículo considera que, en la construcción de la etnografía educativa, los escritos gramscianos fueron empleados en cuatro niveles para: (a) fundamentar la perspectiva epistemológica; (b) dilucidar la historicidad del vínculo entre Estado, sociedad civil e institución escolar; (c) analizar las presencias cotidianas de las clases subalternas en la escuela; (d) cimentar un proyecto político educativo basado en la autonomía y el protagonismo popular. Si bien la recepción de Gramsci en México durante los años 70 y 80 está siendo crecientemente indagada, el plano educativo constituye una vacancia. El artículo expone resultados producidos a través de estrategias y técnicas metodológicas de corte cualitativo.

The article analyzes the scientific approaches of leading domestic and foreign researchers to determine the effectiveness of state policy on the securitization of Islam. It has been found that in the framework of securitization, security is treated as a discursive practice aimed at creating a hierarchy of political priorities. The problem being securitized is given the status of an existential threat, which necessarily requires emergency measures. The securitization of security threats forms the basis of the relationship between government and society. On the one hand, the ruling elite can form and direct a sense of threat to society in their narrow corporate interests. However, the population is also able to impose a sense of danger on the elite and thus influence public policy. It is determined that in modern geopolitical conditions there is a great danger that securitization can be used by public authorities in the narrow corporate interests of the ruling elites. In this case, a mechanism of state non-political influence on society can be created. At the same time, research suggests that the securitization of Islam as violence against Muslims by state authorities has two important consequences. First, after the securitization of Islam, the political rights of other sections of the population are often violated. Second, the government's violence against Muslims generates retaliatory violence. At the same time, pursuing a state or interstate policy of desecuritizing Islam, even in such complex regions as Kosovo and Iraq, leads to the creation of zones in which mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of conflicts are formed. In the current Ukrainian realities, Islam cannot be seen as a threat to state or public interests. It follows that securitization methods are not acceptable for use against Ukrainian Muslims in public policy. At the same time, the potential danger of radicalization of certain parts of the local Muslim community should be taken into account and preventively leveled by the relevant state bodies in the framework of desecuritization. ; У статті проаналізовано наукові підходи провідних вітчизняних і закордонних дослідників щодо визначення ефективності державної політики з сек'юритизації ісламу. З'ясовано, що в рамках сек'юритизації безпека трактується як дискурсивна практика, що спрямована на створення ієрархії політичних пріоритетів. Проблемі, яку сек'юритизують надається статус екзистенціальної загрози, що обов'язково вимагає надзвичайних заходів протидії. Сек'юритизація безпекових загроз створює основу відносин між державною владою та суспільством. З одного боку, правляча еліта може формувати і скеровувати відчуття загрози суспільству у своїх вузькокорпоративних інтересах. Проте й населення здатне нав'язувати еліті відчуття небезпеки і таким чином впливати на державну політику. Визначено, що в сучасних геополітичних умовах існує досить велика небезпека того, що сек'юритизація може використовуватися державною владою у вузькокорпоративних інтересах правлячих еліт. У такому випадку може створюватися механізм державного позаполітичного впливу на суспільство. Водночас результати досліджень свідчать про те, що сек'юритизація ісламу як насильство проти мусульман із боку державної влади має два важливих наслідки. По-перше, після сек'юритизації ісламу досить часто порушуються політичні права інших верств населення країни. По-друге, насильство державної влади проти мусульман породжує насильство з їх боку у відповідь. Поряд з тим проведення державної або міждержавної політики десек'юритизації ісламу навіть у таких складних регіонах як Косово та Ірак веде до створення зон, в яких формуються механізми мирного вирішення конфліктів. У теперішніх українських реаліях іслам не може розглядатися як загроза державним або суспільним інтересам. Із цього випливає, що методи сек'юритизації не припустимі для використання проти українських мусульман у межах державної політики. Водночас потенціальна небезпека радикалізації окремих частин місцевої мусульманської громади повинна братися до уваги і превентивно нівелюватися профільними державними органами у рамках десек'юритизації.

Given the deepening of the political, social, economic, and humanitarian crisis that Venezuela has been experiencing since 2017 and its adverse side effects for the region, the Lima Group emerges as a coalition of ideologically related countries to exercise multilateral diplomacy in order to defend democratic institutions in Venezuela. The primary objective of this article is to make a critical assessment of the work done and challenges faced by the diplomatic action of this regional mechanism with respect to the political crisis in Venezuela. From the documentary monitoring of the Lima Group's official statements and announcements in the 2017–2019 period, and the application of discourse analysis techniques, progressive radicalization of the discourse of such regional mechanism was identified in terms of the transit from mediation diplomacy to confrontation diplomacy centered on the international isolation of Nicolás Maduro's rule in the form of diplomatic siege. The article presents a stocktaking of achievements, weaknesses, and risks that are identified in the Group's diplomatic management, and concludes with a set of challenges arising from the limits and possibilities of this multilateral mechanism in the short term. ; Ante la profundización de la crisis política, social, económica y humanitaria que vive Venezuela desde el 2017 y sus efectos colaterales negativos para la región, surge el Grupo de Lima como una coalición de países con afinidad ideológica que ejerce una diplomacia multilateral con el propósito de defender la institucionalidad democrática en Venezuela. El objetivo central de este artículo es desarrollar un balance crítico de la gestión efectuada y los desafíos que enfrenta la acción diplomática de este mecanismo regional ante la crisis política en Venezuela. A partir del monitoreo documental de las declaraciones y comunicados oficiales del Grupo de Lima en el periodo 2017-2019, y de la aplicación de técnicas de análisis del discurso, se identificó una progresiva radicalización del discurso de dicho mecanismo regional, en términos del tránsito de una diplomacia de mediación a una diplomacia de confrontacióncentrada en el aislamiento internacional del régimen de Nicolás Maduro a través de la figura del cerco diplomático. El artículo expone un balance de logros, debilidades y riesgos que se identifican en la gestión diplomática del Grupo, y se concluye con un conjunto de desafíos derivados de los límites y posibilidades de este mecanismo multilateral para su vigencia a corto plazo. ; Ante o aprofundamento da crise política, social, econômica e humanitária que a Venezuela vive desde 2017 e seus efeitos colaterais negativos para a região, surge o Grupo de Lima como uma coalização de países com afinidade ideológica que exerce uma diplomacia multilateral com o objetivo de defender a institucionalidade democrática na Venezuela. O objetivo central deste artigo é desenvolver um balanço crítico da gestão efetuada e os desafios que a ação diplomática desse mecanismo regional enfrenta ante a crise política na Venezuela. A partir da revisão documental das declarações e comunicados oficiais do Grupo de Lima no período entre 2017 e 2019, e da aplicação de técnicas de análise do discurso, foi identificada uma progressiva radicalização do discurso desse mecanismo regional, em termos da transição de uma diplomacia de mediação a uma de confrontação focada no isolamento internacional do regime de Nicolás Maduro por meio da figura do cerco diplomático. Este artigo expõe um balanço de conquistas, fraquezas e riscos que são identificados na gestão diplomática do Grupo; conclui-se com um conjunto de desafios derivados dos limites e das possibilidades desse mecanismo multilateral para sua validade em curto prazo.

The article is devoted to the study of the biggest challenges, threats and dangers for modern Ukrainianness. The issue of challenges, threats and dangers facing Ukraine and Ukrainianness since 1991 is very relevant today. Scientists who work in the field of crisisology distinguish the concepts of «challenges», «threats», «dangers», «crises», «risks», «catastrophes», «collapse», «wreck», etc. The theoretical and methodological basis of our study is a combination of scientific potential of crisisology, conflictology and Ukrainian studies. Crisisology, conflictology and Ukrainian studies face the task of transdisciplinary understanding of the essence and severity of these challenges, threats and dangers, which are relevant in many areas such as military-defense, geopolitical, demographic, state-building, spiritual worldview, ecological, economics, energy, information, cultural and artistic, linguistic, moral and ethical, scientific, nation-building, educational, political and legal, social, territorial, technological, financial, etc. To these are added threats and dangers: 1) large-scale war with Russia; 2) total spread of COVID-19 in Ukraine; 3) the implementation of a new geostrategic course in Russia (called «geopolitical revenge»); 4) spreading the ideology of the «Russian world», intensifying new attempts by the Russian Federation to dismember Ukraine, supporting separatization and federalization of Ukraine; 5) possible escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian and Armenian-Azerbaijani conflicts, which could lead to a new global confrontation and even a world war; 6) ineffective fight against corruption in Ukraine; 7) the lack of a proper response from the authorities to the need to immediately end Russia's information and psychological war against Ukraine; 8) destruction of small and medium business and further financial and economic stratification of Ukrainian society; 9) procrastination with the solution of the poverty problem (in conditions when about 60% of Ukrainians are below the poverty line); 10) possible man-made disasters in Ukraine; 11) possible transformation of Ukraine from a subject into an object of international relations; 12) possible rejection of European integration; 13) discrediting the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity, in order to spread Russian narratives about the coup in Ukraine; 14) intensification of interfaith conflicts in Ukraine; 15) inadequate decision-making by incompetent authorities (threat of economic decline and large-scale financial crisis in Ukraine, possible change in Ukraine's vector of development, threat of capitulation, refusal of the authorities to resolve the «Ukrainian crisis» (which began after Russia's aggression and has become a factor influencing the security of Europe and the world) from the standpoint of Ukraine as a subject, not an object); 16) refusal to solve the problems of internally displaced persons; 17) possible «freezing» of the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict in order to further destabilize Ukraine; 18) strengthening of geopolitical and geoeconomic instability, intensification of intercivilizational and geopolitical confrontation in the world; 19) possible decline of democracy and rise of authoritarianism in Ukraine; 20) expansion of the border with Russia (in case of its absorption of Belarus); 21) possible disintegration of Ukrainian society and world Ukrainiannes; 22) further violation of international law by the Russian Federation; 23) exacerbation of the economic and migration crisis in Europe; 24) radicalization of part of the Islamic world; 25) due to the collapse of the USSR. The challenges, threats and dangers facing Ukrainians can unfold at the global, continental and national levels. Ukrainians must find adequate answers to modern challenges and mechanisms to minimize threats and dangers; ensure stable economic growth; to create a powerful system of national security, army and defense-industrial complex; find ways to ensure national interests in the current crisis; to develop optimal models for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict, reintegrating the population of the occupied territories and restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine.

[La Nueva Izquierda. 1968 y post scriptum]INTRODUCTORY NOTEThe author, a well know theorist and activist of the civil rights movement and the movement against the Vietnam War, published the first part of this article from his own intervention and experience in 1968. There, he analyses the emergence of the New Left in the United States –and its global connection– through the social structure, the actors' class background and their cultural configuration to account for the aspirations and limits that accompanied the middle class youth that lead this movement. The dilemmas that emerged between the racial, ethnic, social and economic axes that defined the actors framed the diverse social movements and throw light on the promises, scope and weaknesses that characterized them. In the post scriptum, written explicitly for the Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales 50 years later with a great analytical and existential wisdom, the author inspects the way in which class profile, radicalization and separatism led to an isolation of the New Left from the natural support basis it should have reached. It evaluates the consequences of its integration either to the Old Left or to the system, as it manifests in the turn towards right that progressive and democratic sectors had in the United States. Furthermore, he underlines the way it influenced the inequality and vulnerability that prevails among the social class –the "precateriat"– the left should have represented, and projects itself in the current situation and in Trumpism. Without a doubt, the depth, realism and theoretical and practical vision of Michael Walzer have turned him into one of the representative figures of political theory. JBLNOTA INTRODUCTORIAEl autor, teórico y activista del movimiento de los derechos civiles y de los movimientos contra la guerra en Vietnam, publicó la primera parte de este artículo a partir de su propia intervención y experiencia en 1968. En él, analiza la emergencia de la Nueva Izquierda en Estados Unidos –y su conexión global– a partir de la estructura social, la pertenencia de clase de los propios actores y su configuración cultural para dar cuenta de las aspiraciones y limitantes que acompañaron a la juventud de clase media que encabezó este movimiento. Los dilemas que emergieron entre la configuración étnico-racial, social y económica de los actores enmarcados en el movimiento por los derechos humanos arrojan luz sobre las promesas, alcances y debilidades que éste tuvo. En el post scriptum, escrito explícitamente para la Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales 50 años después, con una gran sabiduría analítica y existencial, el autor revisa el modo como el perfil de clase, la radicalización y el separatismo condujo a un aislamiento de la Nueva Izquierda de las naturales bases de apoyo que debió haber alcanzado. Evalúa las consecuencias ya sea de su integración a la Vieja Izquierda o bien al sistema, tal como se manifiestan en el viraje a la derecha que los sectores progresistas y democráticos tuvieron en Estados Unidos, y cómo se reflejó en la situación de desigualdad y vulnerabilidad prevaleciente en gran parte de las clases sociales que la izquierda debió representar, e incluso en el Trumpismo hoy. Sin duda, la profundidad, realismo y visión teórica y práctica de Michael Walzer lo han convertido en una de las figuras representativas de la teoría política. JBL