Suchergebnisse

Radikalleşme ve şiddet içeren aşırılık, ABD'de 11 Eylül saldırılarından sonra ulusal güvenliğe yönelik en ciddi tehdit olarak algılanmaya başlanmıştır. Militan Selefi terörizmle bağlantılı olan veya bu örgütlere ideolojik bir yakınlık duyan bireylerin şiddete başvurmalarını ve çevrelerindekileri aşırılığa teşvik etmelerini önlemek için Barack Obama Yönetimi kapsamlı bir çalışma başlatmıştır. Sosyal hareket kuramına dayanan ve Şiddet İçeren Aşırılığı Önleme (Countering Violent Extremism) adı altında hayata geçirilen bu strateji, toplumda ayrımcılık yarattığı gerekçesiyle Müslüman topluluklar ve sivil toplum kuruluşları tarafından ciddi eleştirilere uğramıştır. Bu makalenin amacı, söz konusu programların ne derecede başarılı olduğunu bulmaktır. Çalışmanın temel argümanı, resmi iddiaların aksine, bu programların net bir tanımının yapılamaması, sürdürülebilir ve ölçülebilir olmamaları ve merkezi olmayan yapıları nedeniyle başarısız olduğudur. Barack Obama Yönetimi dönemine odaklanan araşırma, devlet belgelerinin ve ikincil kaynakların toplanması ve incelenmesi ile gerçekleştirilmiştir.

This article discusses individual mobilization to extremist violence from the perspective of a researcher and analyst, exploring what we know about the psychological and social factors motivating young people to join extremist groups and how that knowledge relates to the recruitment of individuals into ISIS. The biggest threat to the West, at least for now, is not core ISIS (or any jihadi group operating in the Middle East and North Africa region), but Westerners who self-mobilize for attacks at home or who return, trained to fight, from the "jihad" abroad. Finally, the article suggests specific ways for governments to respond to this threat, noting the limits of what government can do, and arguing that they join forces with the private sector. Mobilization to extremism must be addressed with broad, multi-institutional social strategies.

Terrorism isn't new to the country; in its history, France has experienced a significant number of attacks. In 1995, the GIA-affiliated terrorist network of which Khaled Kelkal was part conducted several attacks, as did the Al Qaida-affiliated gang de Roubaix one year later; but until Mohammed Merah's murders in 2012 in Toulouse and Montauban, terrorist attacks were treated as political violence in the context of anti-colonial struggles or connected to other kinds of violent conflicts abroad, such as the Bosnian War, rather than as religiously inspired or connected to social, societal and/or political issues within the country, or as some sort of atypical pathology. Terrorist perpetrators, their networks and milieus were met with repressive instruments – a wider angle of analysis which would have allowed to tackle the threat from a more holistic perspective had not been incorporated in a counter-terrorism policy design.

Zusammenfassung
Der Artikel ergänzt die wissenschaftliche Beobachtung der steigenden Gewaltbereitschaft von Fußballfans um die Differenzierung von Gewaltformen, die sich in Ablauf, Handlungskontext und Intensität erheblich voneinander unterscheiden. Dabei wird gezeigt, dass sich in der exemplarisch untersuchten Fanszene die Gewalt im Gegensatz zu den wöchentlichen Aggro-Inszenierungen auf den Rängen vor allem außerhalb konkreter Spieltage entgrenzt hat.

Diese Arbeit setzt sich mit der Frage auseinander, wie sich westliche Dschihadisten radikalisieren und welche konkreten Faktoren dazu beitragen können. Anhand theoretisch ausgearbeiteter Modelle, soll der Frage am konkreten Beispiel Denis Cuspert nachgegangen werden. Aufgrund der Brisanz des Themas, allein in der Bundesrepublik sind in den letzten Jahren über 850 Personen nach Syrien oder in den Irak ausgereist, liegt die Notwendigkeit einer Auseinandersetzung mit dessen Hintergründen nahe. Gerade hinsichtlich Cuspert, dem die Sicherheitsbehörden ein erhebliches Mobilisierungs- und Gefahrenpotential zusprechen, wurden bisher vor allem nicht-akademische Beiträge gewidmet, weshalb diese Arbeit den Anspruch erhebt, diese zu sammeln und den Radikalisierungsprozess Cusperts in einer theoriegeleiteten, empirischen Untersuchung darzulegen. Die Ergebnisse spiegeln, wie in der Forschung zur Radikalisierung vielfach ersichtlich wird, die Vielschichtigkeit des Prozesses wieder. So sind es, wie so oft, persönliche Krisen und Diskriminierungserfahrungen, Identitätsprobleme, Einflüsse extremistischer Bewegungen sowie Narrative dass der Westen einen Krieg gegen den Islam führt, die letztlich dazu führen, dass er in den Dschihad zieht. Was der Fall Cuspert aber auch lehrt ist, dass sich vor allem aufgrund von individueller Charakteristika erklären lässt, warum in fundamentalistischen Kreisen manch einer zur Waffe greift und ein anderer nicht.English AbstractThis study deals with the question of how western jihadists radicalize and which concrete factors might contribute to this, using theoretically elaborated models and the case study of Denis Cuspert. Due to the pressing nature of the issue, in recent years more than 850 people have left Germany for Syria or Iraq, the necessity of dealing with the background of radicalization is obvious. Particularly with regard to Cuspert, to whom the security authorities ascribe a considerable mobilization and risk potential, so far primarily non-academic contributions have been devoted to, which is why this work aims to collect these and present Cusperts' radicalization process in a theoretical and empirically based investigation. The results reflect the complexity of the process, as is often evident in radicalization research. Thus, as is so often the case, it is personal crises and experiences of discrimination, identity problems, the influence of extremist movements and narratives that "the West is waging a war against Islam", which ultimately lead to him being dragged into jihad. What the Cuspert case also teaches us, however, is that individual characteristics above all explain why in fundamentalist circles some people resort to taking up weapons and others do not. The article is written in German.

The concept of radicalization related to religion, which is used in official documents and affects the official discourse, contains the idea that the end point of radicalization is dangerous extremism or terrorism. Accordingly, radicalized individuals are viewed as posing a serious threat to society. When a radicalized individual is detected, the proposed course of action is to monitor them through state institutions in an attempt to prevent further radicalization or de-radicalize them. This approach provides moral and often legal justification for the encroachment on certain rights and freedoms of individuals that the state labels as radical. The discussion usually revolves around the rights to privacy, freedom of speech, and citizenship. The author takes a different approach and instead discusses the issue of radicalization through the lens of the right of freedom of religion and belief. In democratic societies, this a crucial and basic freedom; in a certain sense, it is even unlimited as beliefs are impossible to control and should not be controlled. Nevertheless, the state can and should limit practices and acts that can be connected to certain beliefs, religious or otherwise. Given this context, the author presents and analyzes the case of Islamist extremist Anjem Choudary.

[EN] The recent recovery of the presumable oldest preserved Spanish cartoon short film, Francisca, la mujer fatal (K-Hito, 1933), thanks to the work of the Zaragoza Cinemateque in collaboration with the Spanish Film Library, allows us to inquire into the first serious attempt to settle at animated industry in Spain: the short-lived Spanish Cartoon Society (SEDA), which was created in Madrid thanks to Joaquín Xauradó and supported by a bunch of cartoonists from satirical magazines and political newspapers —akin to "the other 1927 generation"—, such as K-Hito, Antonio Got, Fco. López Rubio, Antonio Bellón or Manuel Alonso Moyano. During SEDA's scarce two years of duration, these artists lit up a filmography composed of Un drama en la costa (Joaquín Xauradó, 1933), El rata primero (K-Hito, 1933), Francisca, la mujer fatal (K-Hito, 1933) and Serenata (Fco. López Rubio, 1934), all them relevant due to their pioneering nature.In the following pages we will meet Francisca's main makers, whose work as animators was overshadowed by their own comic trajectory before and after SEDA, as well as their films, lost due to their meager printing and distribution —if they ever had—, as well as their preservation chances. This essay will also attend the framework that led to the business attempt, as well as the tense social and political context, and SEDA's soon end due to the decease of Joaquín Xauradó, its main director, in the run-up to the Civil War. ; [ES] La reciente recuperación del que pasa por ser el cortometraje español de dibujos animados más antiguo conservado, Francisca, la mujer fatal (K-Hito, 1933), gracias a la labor de la Filmoteca de Zaragoza en colaboración con la Filmoteca Española, nos sirve de excusa para indagar en el primer intento serio de industria animada en España. Nos referimos a la efímera Sociedad Española de Dibujos Animados (SEDA), que fue creada en Madrid a instanciasde Joaquín Xauradó y secundada por un ramillete de dibujantes provenientes de revistas satíricas o periódicos de marcado corte ...