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International audience ; There are many testimonies that confirm the existence of links that are established in the framework of everyday sociability and that show different degrees of formalization and ritualization. From the daily exchanges in the streets, squares and markets, to the meetings in the offices of drinks and within the framework of the associations, the inhabitants of Buenos Aires participate in this vast trade of social relations. The problem that remains to be elucidated is that of the articulation between these bonds of sociability (which integrate the fabric of the neighborhood as a neighborhood space) and the urban space, particularly through the forms of institutional organization that materialize in the different administrative divisions of the city. In fact, if references to the existence of "neighborhoods" as socio-spatial units are not absent in some works on urban history, it is generally a category empty of any spatial content, and generally assimilated to one or another of the administrative divisions that exist in the city, evacuating the problem of the articulation between administrative space and space of social interaction. For reasons of space, I will concentrate on the interest that this question entails for the study of political history. This is particularly true in view of the fact that the 1821 election law takes up the principle of the Cadiz Constitution of voting by parish. In the case of Buenos Aires, the articulation between administrative space -the parish is at the same time ecclesiastical jurisdiction and district of the justice of the peace- and political space becomes evident after the fall of Rosas, when we see the emergence of "clubs" that are organized by parish and in which the new political leaderships seem to combine with local figures. This article explores these articulations from the neighborhood relations in the parish/neighborhood. ; Numerosos son los testimonios que confirman la existencia de vínculos que se establecen en le marco de la sociabilidad cotidiana y que manifiestan grados diferentes de formalización y de ritualización. Desde los intercambios cotidianos en las calles, plazas y mercados, a las reuniones en los despachos de bebidas y en el marco de las asociaciones, los habitantes de Buenos Aires participan a ese vasto comercio de relaciones sociales. El problema que queda por elucidar es la de la articulación entre estos vínculos de sociabilidad (que integran el tramado del barrio como espacio de vecindad) y el espacio urbano, particularmente a través de las formas de organización institucional que se materializan en las diferentes divisiones administrativas de la ciudad. Problema sobre el cual la historiografía urbana ha manifestado una gran indiferencia 1. En efecto, si las referencias a la existencia de « barrios » como unidades socio-espaciales no están ausentes en algunos trabajos sobre historia urbana, se trata en general de una categoría vacía de todo contenido espacial, y en general asimilada a una u otra de las divisiones administrativas que existen en la ciudad, evacuando el problema de la articulación entre espacio administrativo y espacio de interacción social. Por razones de espacio concentraré mi propósito en el interés que comporta esta cuestión para los estudios de historia política. Ello en particular teniendo en cuenta que la ley de elecciones de 1821 retoma el principio de la Constitución de Cádiz del voto por parroquia. En el caso de Buenos Aires, la articulación entre espacio administrativo -la parroquia es al mismo tiempo jurisdicción eclesiástica y distrito del juez de paz- y espacio político se hace evidente luego de la caída deRosas, cuando vemos surgir los « clubes » que se organizan por parroquia y en que los nuevos liderazgos políticos parecen conjugarse con figuras de localidad. Este artículo explora estas articulaciones a partir de las relaciones de vecindad en la parroquia-barrio.

International audience ; There are many testimonies that confirm the existence of links that are established in the framework of everyday sociability and that show different degrees of formalization and ritualization. From the daily exchanges in the streets, squares and markets, to the meetings in the offices of drinks and within the framework of the associations, the inhabitants of Buenos Aires participate in this vast trade of social relations. The problem that remains to be elucidated is that of the articulation between these bonds of sociability (which integrate the fabric of the neighborhood as a neighborhood space) and the urban space, particularly through the forms of institutional organization that materialize in the different administrative divisions of the city. In fact, if references to the existence of "neighborhoods" as socio-spatial units are not absent in some works on urban history, it is generally a category empty of any spatial content, and generally assimilated to one or another of the administrative divisions that exist in the city, evacuating the problem of the articulation between administrative space and space of social interaction. For reasons of space, I will concentrate on the interest that this question entails for the study of political history. This is particularly true in view of the fact that the 1821 election law takes up the principle of the Cadiz Constitution of voting by parish. In the case of Buenos Aires, the articulation between administrative space -the parish is at the same time ecclesiastical jurisdiction and district of the justice of the peace- and political space becomes evident after the fall of Rosas, when we see the emergence of "clubs" that are organized by parish and in which the new political leaderships seem to combine with local figures. This article explores these articulations from the neighborhood relations in the parish/neighborhood. ; Numerosos son los testimonios que confirman la existencia de vínculos que se establecen en le marco de la sociabilidad ...

International audience ; There are many testimonies that confirm the existence of links that are established in the framework of everyday sociability and that show different degrees of formalization and ritualization. From the daily exchanges in the streets, squares and markets, to the meetings in the offices of drinks and within the framework of the associations, the inhabitants of Buenos Aires participate in this vast trade of social relations. The problem that remains to be elucidated is that of the articulation between these bonds of sociability (which integrate the fabric of the neighborhood as a neighborhood space) and the urban space, particularly through the forms of institutional organization that materialize in the different administrative divisions of the city. In fact, if references to the existence of "neighborhoods" as socio-spatial units are not absent in some works on urban history, it is generally a category empty of any spatial content, and generally assimilated to one or another of the administrative divisions that exist in the city, evacuating the problem of the articulation between administrative space and space of social interaction. For reasons of space, I will concentrate on the interest that this question entails for the study of political history. This is particularly true in view of the fact that the 1821 election law takes up the principle of the Cadiz Constitution of voting by parish. In the case of Buenos Aires, the articulation between administrative space -the parish is at the same time ecclesiastical jurisdiction and district of the justice of the peace- and political space becomes evident after the fall of Rosas, when we see the emergence of "clubs" that are organized by parish and in which the new political leaderships seem to combine with local figures. This article explores these articulations from the neighborhood relations in the parish/neighborhood. ; Numerosos son los testimonios que confirman la existencia de vínculos que se establecen en le marco de la sociabilidad cotidiana y que manifiestan grados diferentes de formalización y de ritualización. Desde los intercambios cotidianos en las calles, plazas y mercados, a las reuniones en los despachos de bebidas y en el marco de las asociaciones, los habitantes de Buenos Aires participan a ese vasto comercio de relaciones sociales. El problema que queda por elucidar es la de la articulación entre estos vínculos de sociabilidad (que integran el tramado del barrio como espacio de vecindad) y el espacio urbano, particularmente a través de las formas de organización institucional que se materializan en las diferentes divisiones administrativas de la ciudad. Problema sobre el cual la historiografía urbana ha manifestado una gran indiferencia 1. En efecto, si las referencias a la existencia de « barrios » como unidades socio-espaciales no están ausentes en algunos trabajos sobre historia urbana, se trata en general de una categoría vacía de todo contenido espacial, y en general asimilada a una u otra de las divisiones administrativas que existen en la ciudad, evacuando el problema de la articulación entre espacio administrativo y espacio de interacción social. Por razones de espacio concentraré mi propósito en el interés que comporta esta cuestión para los estudios de historia política. Ello en particular teniendo en cuenta que la ley de elecciones de 1821 retoma el principio de la Constitución de Cádiz del voto por parroquia. En el caso de Buenos Aires, la articulación entre espacio administrativo -la parroquia es al mismo tiempo jurisdicción eclesiástica y distrito del juez de paz- y espacio político se hace evidente luego de la caída deRosas, cuando vemos surgir los « clubes » que se organizan por parroquia y en que los nuevos liderazgos políticos parecen conjugarse con figuras de localidad. Este artículo explora estas articulaciones a partir de las relaciones de vecindad en la parroquia-barrio.

International audience ; There are many testimonies that confirm the existence of links that are established in the framework of everyday sociability and that show different degrees of formalization and ritualization. From the daily exchanges in the streets, squares and markets, to the meetings in the offices of drinks and within the framework of the associations, the inhabitants of Buenos Aires participate in this vast trade of social relations. The problem that remains to be elucidated is that of the articulation between these bonds of sociability (which integrate the fabric of the neighborhood as a neighborhood space) and the urban space, particularly through the forms of institutional organization that materialize in the different administrative divisions of the city. In fact, if references to the existence of "neighborhoods" as socio-spatial units are not absent in some works on urban history, it is generally a category empty of any spatial content, and generally assimilated to one or another of the administrative divisions that exist in the city, evacuating the problem of the articulation between administrative space and space of social interaction. For reasons of space, I will concentrate on the interest that this question entails for the study of political history. This is particularly true in view of the fact that the 1821 election law takes up the principle of the Cadiz Constitution of voting by parish. In the case of Buenos Aires, the articulation between administrative space -the parish is at the same time ecclesiastical jurisdiction and district of the justice of the peace- and political space becomes evident after the fall of Rosas, when we see the emergence of "clubs" that are organized by parish and in which the new political leaderships seem to combine with local figures. This article explores these articulations from the neighborhood relations in the parish/neighborhood. ; Numerosos son los testimonios que confirman la existencia de vínculos que se establecen en le marco de la sociabilidad ...

Analyse der geopolitischen und strategischen Dimensionen im Zusammenhang mit der Produktion, der Verarbeitung und dem Transport von Erdöl im Karibischen Raum und Darstellung der hegemonialen Interessen der Supermächte, der venezolanischen und mexikanischen Bemühungen um eine Mittlerfunktion sowie der untergeordneten Rolle der Mehrzahl der karibischen Staaten