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Since the early 1980s, supermax incarceration has emerged as a common feature of the American corrections landscape. This special type of high‐cost housing, which involves extended isolation with little programming or contact with others, remains largely unevaluated and is of interest for three reasons. First, the study of supermax housing offers a unique opportunity to understand the factors related to the successful reentry of offenders back into society. Second, it affords an opportunity to test the claims, many of which are grounded in mainstream criminological theory, that have been made about the putative effects of supermax confinement. Third, it provides an empirical touchstone that can help inform policy debates about the merits of such confinement. Examining data from the Florida Department of Corrections, we test competing hypotheses about the effects of supermax housing on 3‐year recidivism outcomes. We find evidence that supermax incarceration may increase violent recidivism but find no evidence of an effect of the duration of supermax incarceration or the recency of such incarceration to the time of release into society. We discuss the findings and their implications for theory, research, and policy.

AbstractA low recidivism rate is a goal for any criminal justice system. Poor post‐release outcomes are not random events, however. Some groups are more likely than others to recidivate. This paper will review the literature on inequality in recidivism rates, concentrating on the effects of race and sex. The probability of recidivating is not a randomly distributed event; men are more likely than women to recidivate, and Blacks more likely than Whites, with Hispanics in between. This paper will also address some of the promises (and challenges) that researchers face when trying to identify the causes of race and sex gaps in recidivism rates. This paper will end with recommendations for how to study inequality in recidivism in the future, with the key being to identify the social mechanisms that underlie these consistently unequal outcomes of our corrections system.

Although much literature has examined macrolevel employment contexts and crime rates and, at the individual level, employment and offending, few studies have examined systematically whether macrolevel employment contexts influence individual‐level offending. At the same time, emerging literature on prisoner reentry increasingly underscores the potential importance of the social environment for impeding or facilitating successful transitions back into society. All three avenues of inquiry have emphasized the salience of race‐specific and offense‐specific effects. This study extends prior work on ecology and offending, employment and crime, and prisoner reentry by examining the race‐specific effects of unemployment rates and manufacturing employment rates on violent, property, and drug recidivism. By analyzing data on male ex‐prisoners released to 67 counties in Florida, we found, as hypothesized, that Black ex‐prisoners released to areas with higher Black male unemployment rates have a greater likelihood of violent recidivism. No comparable effect was identified for White exprisoners. However, we found that White ex‐prisoners, especially those without prior violent convictions, have a lower likelihood of violent recidivism when released to areas with higher White male manufacturing employment rates. We discuss the findings and their implications for theory, research, and policy.

Most sex offenders will eventually be released from incarceration and will need to reintegrate into society. It is, consequently, critical to understand what motivates individuals to commit sexual offenses, what reduces the likelihood of recidivism, and the best method of managing and supervising sex offenders in the community

Seredycz tracks 434 offenders of a federally funded Access to Recovery (ATR) program coordinated by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration and a jurisdiction identified as Lake City. He examines offender?s reduction of alcohol and other drug abuse (AODA), recidivism and barriers to reintegration. Self-reported high-risk drug offenders had a higher likelihood of program failure and criminal activity. Offenders who voluntarily remained in treatment were more successful remaining abstinent and more likely to desist from criminal activity. Faith-based programming was not fou.

The present study investigates the recidivism rates of a sample of 351 male adolescents who sexually offended, and were assessed at an outpatient psychiatric clinic in Montreal, Canada, between 1992 and 2002. The mean age of the participants was 15.8 years ( SD = 1.8). Data on adolescent and adult recidivism were collected in Summer 2005 from official criminality sources in Canada. Over an 8-year follow-up period, 45% ( n = 158) of the participants were charged with a new criminal offense, 30% ( n = 104) were charged with a violent offense, and 10% ( n = 36) were charged with a sexual offense. Cox regression results suggest that overall, violent, and sexual recidivism can be predicted by a variety of developmental, social, and criminological factors. Paternal abandonment, childhood sexual victimization, association with significantly younger children, and having victimized a stranger were associated with a higher risk of sexual recidivism. Previous delinquency, attention deficit disorder, and childhood sexual victimization were found to increase the risk for both violent and overall recidivism. Also, the use of violence during a sex crime and victimizing a stranger were associated with violent recidivism, and school delay and association with delinquent peers were predictive of overall recidivism. The results confirm that a significant proportion of adolescents who have sexually offended pursue a criminal activity beyond adolescence, although few specialize in sexual offending.

Using a sample of 1,466 females convicted of a sexual offense in New York State, the current study explored the following: (a) offending prior to the commission of the offenders' first sexual offense, (b) rates of recidivism following their first sexual offense conviction, and (c) factors associated with the likelihood of sexual recidivism. Results showed the recidivism rates of female sex offenders to be lower than those of male sex offenders for all types of recidivism studied (any rearrest, felony rearrest, violent [including violent sexual] felony rearrest, and sexual rearrest). Several significant differences were found between the group of female sex offenders who sexually recidivated and the group who did not, including crime of first sexual conviction and measures of prior offending.