Suchergebnisse

Recognition is a normative concept. By recognizing someone as having certain characteristics or capabilities, we recognize their normative status and we are taking responsibility for treating them in a certain way. Non-recognition, in this case, can mean deprivation of rights and marginalization; in a democracy may preclude individuals or groups from enjoying the democratic egalitarian ideal, for example. Over the past three decades, reflection on this category has deepened and taken on greater importance in the debate between liberalism and communitarianism parallel to the demands, sometimes for the achievements, of groups and minorities (LGBTQIA, people with special needs, feminist, indigenous, ethnic, etc.) who feel unrecognized and engage in political movements through struggles for recognition. We will return here to the development of Axel Honneth's concept of "ethical life" in 'Struggle for Recognition' (1992), a fundamental work for reflection on the theme. The author places his theory in the middle between Kantian morality and communitarian ethics: his conception is formal for he understands that universal norms are conditions of some possibilities, but they are substantive for they are guided by the end of human self-realization.

This article is based on considerations about the limits and potentialities in the production of solidarity, through reciprocal recognition, in social interactions mediated by technology, involving mainly trans activists. Based on concepts of symbolic interactionism in face-to-face social interactions, I regard the conflicts present in political interactions on the internet and the transformation of "potential allies" into "enemies" or "adversaries" in the political struggle. In this analysis, I try to understand the political-academic exchanges involving categories such as "subalternity" and "intersectionality" in order to enter the delicate debate about the greater or lesser appreciation of political positions based on the "standpoint" of the subject and of his or her interlocutor.

With this paper, we aim to discuss the movie American Beauty under the light of the Hegelian philosophy or, more specifically, of the so-called dialectic of the master and the slave. To accomplish this task, we divided our text into three moments: 1. We analyze some aspects relating to how the relationship among one's consciousnesses of oneself is established in life, creating dominance (lord) and subordination (slave) relations in intersubjectivity relations. The contrast between the two elements determines that, in order to achieve recognition, a consciousness must subdue the other according to its will, that is, one will is recognized (that of the master) whereas the other is the recognizer (that of the slave). 2. We present central elements of the film as the background for our analysis. 3. We critically discuss the film based on the conceptual elements presented in item one, demonstrating to what extent the film can be understood as an attempt by the protagonist to overcome the total indifferentiation, to establish a life and death struggle, and finally to be recognized in his desires.

This paper explores the role that the recognition of the other plays for morality in Raimond Gaita's Good and Evil: An Absolute Conception, from the centrality of the notion of remorse, understood as the remembrance of moral meaning for the agent of what he did. The examples from which Gaita intends to emphasize the weight of morality and the meaning of doing evil morally for someone will be rescued. One can not understand, according to the philosopher, a situation as morally problematic if it is not intelligible that whoever realized it should feel a genuine remorse in the face of the evil generated by their actions.

The present work is focused on the epistemological investigation about the relation between Nonconceptual Self, nonconceptual content of perception, awarenes and recognition of place in the context of the Gibsonian ecological perspective. In view of this investigative purpose our objectives are the following: 1 - to characterize the nonconceptual content of perception in the anti-representationalist context and 2 - to question whether consciousness is necessary for organisms to act in the environment and to acquire perceptual experiences such as the recognition of place. In the context of Gibsonian perspective, we will argue in support of the hypothesis that the ecological-informational and anti-representationalist theory of perception offers innovative theoretical subsidies for the analysis of our research purpose. We understand that in order to have awareness and to be able to think about oneself, the agent must first have basic perceptual experiences of the environment. We consider that the agent's basic perceptual experiences, such as recognition of place, does not necessarily involve consciousness.

The text is the result of the continuation of studies on "Recognition of Knowledge" initiated by the authors at the Federal Institute of Santa Catarina (IFSC) in 2014. This research emerged from the need for theoretical background on the subject. The objective of this study was to outline the state of the art of recognition of knowledge through a mapping of articles, theses and dissertations that deal with the theme. The scope of the research consisted of eight articles, four dissertations and one thesis, totaling thirteen documents, produced from 2006 to 2016. In the analysis of the documents, it can be seen that the policies of professional certification and recognition of knowledge have gained prominence from the initiatives for the development and certification of skills in European countries. It can be seen that the implemented training and professional certification policies are for the most part strongly oriented towards "competence theory" and "labor market needs," to the detriment of a comprehensive conception of education. It was concluded that the implementation of recognition of knowledge devices does not happen without tensions and carries contradictions that reflect the perspectives of the different groups that make up society, triggering disputes involving important political-epistemological issues. If, on the one hand, the evaluation of competences is strengthened, based on the presuppositions of the theory of human capital, strongly focused on a conception of education for the labor market, then on the other hand, those that take these policies as a mechanism of social justice, focused on meeting the historical demands of social movements with a right to education, are strengthened as well. ; El texto es el resultado de la continuidad de estudios sobre "Reconocimiento de Saberes" iniciado por las autoras en el Instituto Federal de Santa Catarina (IFSC), en 2014. La investigación surgió de la constatación de la necesidad de una mayor profundización teórica sobre el tema. El trabajo tuvo por objetivo demarcar el delineamiento del estado del arte del reconocimiento de saberes mediante un sondeo de artículos, tesis y disertaciones que abarcan la temática. El universo de la investigación está constituido por 8 artículos, 4 disertaciones y una tesis, totalizando 13 documentos, producidos de 2006 a 2016. Mediante el análisis de los documentos se puede constatar que las políticas de certificación profesional y de reconocimiento de saberes ganaron destaque a partir de las iniciativas para el desarrollo y la certificación de competencias en los países europeos. También se constata que las políticas implementadas de formación y certificación profesional son, en su gran mayoría, fuertemente orientadas por la "teoría de las competencias" y por las "necesidades del mercado de trabajo", en una concepción integral de educación. Al final de la investigación fue posible constatar que la implementación de dispositivos de reconocimiento de saberes no se da sin tensiones y que abarca las contradicciones que reflejan las perspectivas de los distintos grupos que componen la sociedad, desencadenando disputas que engloban cuestiones políticoepistemológicas importantes. Si por un lado se fortalece la evaluación por competencias, respaldada en fundamentos de la teoría del capital humano, fuertemente volcados hacia una concepción de la educación para el mercado de trabajo, por otro lado, se fortalecen, también, aquellos que toman esas políticas como un mecanismo de justicia social, orientadas hacia la atención de las demandas históricas de movimientos sociales de derecho a la educación. ; O texto é o resultado de estudos sobre "Reconhecimento de Saberes" iniciado pelas autoras no Instituto Federal de Santa Catarina (IFSC), em 2014. Tal pesquisa surgiu da constatação da necessidade de um maior aprofundamento teórico sobre tema. O trabalho teve por objetivo traçar o delineamento do estado da arte do reconhecimento de saberes por meio de um mapeamento de artigos, teses e dissertações que abordam o tema. O universo de pesquisa ficou constituído de 8 artigos, 4 dissertações e uma tese, totalizando 13 documentos, produzidos de 2006 a 2016. Na análise dos documentos pode-se constatar que as políticas de certificação profissional e de reconhecimento de saberes ganharam destaque a partir das iniciativas para desenvolvimento e certificação de competências nos países europeus. Percebeu-se que as políticas implementadas de formação e certificação profissional são, em sua maioria, fortemente orientadas pela "teoria das competências" e pelas "necessidades do mercado de trabalho", em detrimento de uma concepção integral de educação. Concluiu-se que a implementação de dispositivos de reconhecimento de saberes não se dá sem tensões e comporta contradições que refletem as perspectivas dos grupos distintos que compõem a sociedade, desencadeando disputas que envolvem questões político-epistemológicas importantes. Se por um lado se fortalece a avaliação por competências, apoiada nos pressupostos da teoria do capital humano, fortemente voltado para uma concepção da educação para o mercado de trabalho, por outro, fortalecem-se, também, aqueles que tomam essas políticas como um mecanismo de justiça social, voltado para o atendimento das demandas históricas de movimentos sociais de direito à educação.

The article aims to situate the debate drawn within the theoretical field of Critical Theory between Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser, in view of their main publications in the 1990s. Since the critical model formulated by Jürgen Habermas, Critical Theory has come to place a greater emphasis in the questions involving normative political theory, focusing on the new social movements that emerged after May 1968. In this sense, Honneth and Fraser present new contributions to this discussion, with a view to formulating new normative proposals. Thus, based on a qualitative bibliographic analysis of the proposed texts, we will focus the exposition on the concepts of recognition and redistribution in order to understand the importance of the main questions posed by the authors. ; El artículo tiene como objetivo situar el debate elaborado dentro del campo teórico de la Teoría Crítica entre Axel Honneth y Nancy Fraser, a la vista de sus principales publicaciones en la década de 1990. Desde el modelo crítico formulado por Jürgen Habermas, la Teoría Crítica ha pasado a poner un mayor énfasis las preguntas que involucran la teoría política normativa, enfocándose en los nuevos movimientos sociales surgidos después de mayo de 1968. En este sentido, Honneth y Fraser presentan nuevos aportes a esta discusión, con miras a formular nuevas propuestas normativas. Así, a partir de un análisis bibliográfico cualitativo de los textos propuestos, centraremos la exposición en torno a los conceptos de reconocimiento y redistribución con el fin de comprender la importancia de las principales cuestiones planteadas por los autores. ; O artigo objetiva situar o debate inserido no campo teórico da Teoria Crítica entre Axel Honneth e Nancy Fraser, tendo em vista suas principais publicações na década de 1990. Desde o modelo crítico formulado por Jürgen Habermas, a Teoria Crítica passou a dar uma ênfase maior às questões envolvendo a teoria política normativa, com foco nos novos movimentos sociais que surgiram após o maio de 1968. Nesse sentido, Honneth e Fraser apresentam novas contribuições para esta discussão, com vista à formulação de novas propostas normativas. Desse modo, a partir de uma análise qualitativa bibliográfica dos textos propostos, centraremos a exposição em torno dos conceitos de reconhecimento e redistribuição a fim de compreender a importância das principais questões postas pelos autores.

This article aimed to understand how situations of violence occur in teacher-student relations, in the view of elementary school students (cycle II), in a full-time education school. As a methodology, an intervention research was developed, with workshops using art to listen and understand relationships in the classroom. With the analyses it was noticed that social recognition was essential and provided the school with the function of socializing relationships in their daily lives, with citizen and democratic education; the authoritarian form of some teachers led to generational conflicts, as it did not take into account the wide connection of different students and their differences; authoritarianism at school intensified symbolic violence, establishing tensions in humiliated and sometimes violent students; finally, the school sound landscape and the types of situation that occur in its collective spaces, a potential for transformations in relationships was perceived, taking social conflicts as positive. ; Este artículo tuvo como objetivo comprender cómo las situaciones de violencia ocurren en las relaciones profesor-alumno, en la visión de los estudiantes de primaria (ciclo II), en una escuela integral. Como metodología, se desarrolló una investigación de intervención, con talleres que utilizan el arte para escuchar y comprender las relaciones en el aula. Con los análisis se percibió que el reconocimiento social era esencial y proporcionaba a la escuela la función de socializar las relaciones en su vida cotidiana, con formación ciudadana y democrática; la forma autoritaria de algunos maestros propiciaba conflictos generacionales, porque no tenía en cuenta la amplia conexión de los diferentes estudiantes y sus diferencias; el autoritarismo en la escuela intensificaba la violencia simbólica, establecer tensiones en estudiantes humillados y a veces violentos; finalmente, en el panorama sonoro escolar y en los tipos de situaciones que ocurren en sus espacios colectivos, se percibió un potencial de transformaciones ...

With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate. ; With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate. ; Com o esvaziamento da luta pelo socialismo e a ascensão do neoliberalismo, o campo da esquerda progressista tem sido criticado por tomar a questão identitária como principal motor das lutas sociais. A proposta deste trabalho é identificar e analisar o debate sobre as lutas por reconhecimento identitário na campanha eleitoral de 2018. Serão consideradas as polarizações sobre o tema entre os dois partidos localizados à esquerda do espectro político – PT e PSOL – em relação à campanha majoritária do campo localizado à direita, representada pelo PSL. A partir de suas posições em relação ao tema, explicitadas em uma rede social, pretende-se observar e problematizar os limites desses embates discursivos. ; With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate.

Introduction: The detection of pyrogens is essential for the quality control of injectable products. The Rabbit Pyrogen Test remains widely used, despite the existence of alternative methods such as the Monocyte Activation Test (MAT). Objective: To review the use of alternative methods for pyrogen testing, pointing out advances and perspectives from the recognition of MAT by the European pharmacopoeia and its acceptance for regulatory purposes in Brazil. Method: A search was performed on the PubMed and BVS databases, with further classification, categorization by topic and critical analysis of the results. Results: Twenty-four papers were identified, addressing topics such as applications of MAT, its validation and comparisons with in vivo tests. MAT presented better results when compared to other tests, both in the evaluation of biological products and in the detection of non-endotoxin pyrogens. Limitations to diffusion include difficulties in obtaining whole human blood as a source of monocytes, for which several alternatives have been proposed. Conclusions: MAT is a promising method, with application in safety evaluation of new technologies. Its application in Brazil depends on a national implementation policy, which might include greater integration between BraCVAM, Concea and RENAMA in search for its recognition for regulatory purposes. ; Introdução: A detecção de pirogênios é imprescindível no controle da qualidade de produtos injetáveis. O Teste de Pirogênio em coelhos ainda tem larga aplicação, apesar da existência de métodos alternativos como o Teste de Ativação de Monócitos (MAT). Objetivo: Revisar o uso dos métodos alternativos no teste de pirogênio, apontando avanços e perspectivas a partir do reconhecimento do MAT pela Farmacopeia Europeia e sua aceitação para fins regulatórios no Brasil. Método: Uma busca foi realizada nas bases PubMed e BVS, com posterior classificação, categorização por assuntos e análise crítica dos resultados. Resultados: Foram identificados 24 trabalhos, abordando temas como as aplicações do MAT, sua validação e comparação com testes in vivo. O MAT apresentou melhores resultados quando comparado a outros testes, tanto na avaliação de produtos biológicos como na detecção de pirogênios não-endotoxinas. Limitações para sua difusão incluem a dificuldade de obtenção de sangue total humano como fonte de monócitos, para o qual diversas alternativas têm sido propostas. Conclusões: O MAT se mostra um método promissor, com aplicação na avaliação da segurança de novas tecnologias. Sua aplicação no Brasil depende de uma política nacional de implantação, que inclua maior Integração entre BraCVAM, Concea e RENAMA na busca por seu reconhecimento para fins regulatórios.

This article focuses the relation between the state and democracy in Kosovo, analysing three of its dimensions: the international recognition, the govern capacity and the national cohesion. After the unilaterally declaration of independence in February 2008, Kosovo searches to concretize two main goals: to obtain the State total international recognition and to pursue its transition process towards the democracy and market economy, approaching the European Union. Adapted from the source document.

Partindo dos pressupostos teóricos de Axel Honneth, o artigo aqui apresentado visa trazer aspectos correlatos à compaixão no intuito de ampliar seu entendimento numa perspectiva mais aproximada das Ciências Sociais. Realizaremos a analise da compaixão tendo como elemento norteador o projeto de extensão: Práticas educacionais para a compaixão no cotidiano: exercitando a capacidade de se colocar no lugar do outro, desenvolvido em uma escola pública no bairro Alto Santa Terezinha, no Recife, com crianças de 05 a 12 anos. O projeto vem sendo desenvolvido de 2012 até o presente ano. O período aqui discutido compreende os anos de 2013 a 2015. Acreditamos que sentimentos podem ou não gerar ações, porém, ao se tornarem ações, passam a ser percebidos como um aspecto da moralidade, constituindo um aspecto fundamental da convivência humana e social. Esperamos trazer fundamentos teóricos que subsidiem a interseção entre as práticas desenvolvidas no projeto e o saber científico, contribuindo para a formação de um corpo de conhecimento voltado para a Sociologia das Moralidades.

As a new open war unfolds in the Middle East, in defiance of an internationally, UN recognized border between Israel & Lebanon, the fact remains that for almost 60 years now, Israel, like no other country, has seen its existence as an independent, sovereign state, hotly & widely called into question. Drawing mainly from Portuguese diplomatic documents, this article brings to light the policy & attitudes adopted by Portugal towards Israel from the proclamation of the State through the reluctant path to formal recognition, & the somewhat vague rapport the two states on the west's periphery established in the period between 1948 & 1977, when Portugal finally extended full de jure recognition to Israel. Adapted from the source document.

A refundação do regulamento n.º 44/2001 pelo regulamento n.º 1215/2012 pautase pela observância, em absoluto, no espaço da União Europeia, dos princípios da confiança recíproca entre Estados-Membros na administração da justiça e do acesso à justiça dos cidadãos que nela residem e circulam. Numa União marcada pelas liberdades fundamentais de circulação e pela existência de um mercado interno, estes princípios justificam que as decisões judiciais proferidas num Estado-Membro sejam automaticamente reconhecidas e executadas, noutro Estado-Membro, exceto em caso de impugnação por parte do demandado. Seria difícil imaginar a prossecução de uma cooperação e uma integração judiciárias sem confiança – esta tem de ser criada entre tribunais de diferentes Estados-Membros, e de ser sentida pelos próprios cidadãos europeus, de modo a que possam ver que a Europa está ativamente à procura de melhorar as suas condições de vida e de trabalho. A Comissão Europeia envidou esforços construtivos para uma supressão do exequatur, querendo que o processo de reconhecimento e de execução ora previsto no regulamento n.º 1215/2012 fosse mais simplificado (até propôs a exclusão da cláusula de ordem pública, o que não foi adotado). É necessário analisar como o Tribunal de Justiça interpreta as regras relativas à recusa de reconhecimento ou de execução de sentenças emanadas noutros Estados-Membros, para perceber se a tutela jurisdicional efetiva é observada pelo regulamento n.º 1215/2012. ; The Brussels I Regulation's re-foundation by the New Brussels I Regulation was thought to secure reciprocal trust on justice administration among Member States and to grant full access to justice for those who inhabit and circulate in its territory. In a Union characterized by circulation freedoms and an internal market existence, those principles justify a situation in which judgments ruled by a Member State's court are automatically recognised and enforced, in other Member-State, except when the defendant evokes the rules on denial of judgments' recognition and enforcement. There would not be judicial cooperation and integration's prosecution without trust – trust must exist among Member States' courts and it must be felt by EU citizens so they can acknowledge that EU is actively seeking to improve their life and working conditions. The European Commission made constructive efforts to promote an exequatur's abolition, making recognition and enforcement proceedings on the New Brussels I Regulation simpler (it even proposed to remove the "public policy" clause, which was not accepted). It is necessary to analyse howthe CJEU applies the rules on denial of judgments' recognition and enforcement to perceive if the principle of an effective judicial protection is fulfilled under New Brussels I Regulation.