Reconciliation
In: Contact: the interdisciplinary journal of pastoral studies, Band 117, Heft 1, S. 23-30
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In: Contact: the interdisciplinary journal of pastoral studies, Band 117, Heft 1, S. 23-30
In: Routledge innovations in political theory, 15
Since the end of the Cold War, the concept of reconciliation has emerged as a central term of political discourse within societies divided by a history of political violence. Reconciliation has been promoted as a way of reckoning with the legacy of past wrongs while opening the way for community in the future. This book examines the issues of transitional justice in the context of contemporary debates in political theory concerning the nature of 'the political'. Bringing together research on transitional justice and political theory, the author argues that if we are to talk of reconcili.
Cover -- Book Title -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- 1 What Is 'Sacred Violence'? -- 2 Violent Origins, Origins of Violence -- 3 Girardian 'Founding Murder' -- 4 Violence, the Archaic Sacredand Judaeo-Christian Revelation -- 5 Passion, Resurrection -and How We Come by Reconciliation -- 6 Taking Thought for Reconciliation -- Appendix 'From Animal to Human', 'On Religion' -- Cited Texts and Further Reading -- Back cover.
In: Routledge Innovations in Political Theory
In: Routledge Innovations in Political Theory Ser.
In: Mediation quarterly: journal of the Academy of Family Mediators, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 95-106
AbstractTypically, divorce has been accepted as the end of the marriage relationship, and negative interactions associated with divorce have been viewed as part of the separation process. This conceptualization has influenced the constructs of mediation. Approaching the marriage relationship from a family systems perspective—assessing the dominant pattern of closeness and distance negotiation, and reframing anger and conflict as connection strategies in divorcing couples—promote a more comprehensive view of the interactional dynamic of husbands and wives. The author discuss the impact of these strategies on mediation and how they may be indications of reconciliation potential.
In: Social & legal studies: an international journal, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 257-275
ISSN: 1461-7390
This article enquires into the narration of reconciliation in South Africa and its political implications. It scrutinizes the subjects, objects and material practices that flow from the reconciliation story. The investigation turns on two crucial assumptions: (a) that discourse is an ideological system of meaning that constitutes and naturalizes the subjects and objects of political life, and (b) that narrative is a special discursive form, the structural features of which have specific political effects that are not illuminated by a more general discourse analytic approach. A narrative perspective is important because the TRC explicitly undertook the task of telling a story about South Africa's transition from past violence to future reconciliation, and argued that storytelling was fundamental to catharsis, healing, and reconciliation on an individual and a national level. Narrative theory renders more specifically applicable some of the general claims of political discourse analysis; while the insights of political discourse analysis highlight the political contexts and effects of governing narratives to which most narrative theory, on its own, is blind. The combination of these two theoretical premises furnishes a powerful approach to understanding the story about reconciliation told by the TRC, and its political implications.
In: Representation, Band 12, Heft 45, S. 1-2
ISSN: 1749-4001
In: Qui parle: critical humanities and social sciences, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 1-29
ISSN: 1938-8020
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 110-112
ISSN: 1476-9336
In: The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, Band 10, Heft 16, S. 92-131
ISSN: 2305-9931
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 422
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: Postcolonial politics, 6
"Reconciliation is one of the most significant contemporary challenges in the world today. In this innovative new volume, educational academics and practitioners across a range of cultural and political contexts examine the links between reconciliation and critical pedagogy, putting forward the notion that reconciliation projects should be regarded as public pedagogical interventions, with much to offer to wider theories of learning"--Provided by publisher
In: American anthropologist: AA, Band 115, Heft 4, S. 663-666
ISSN: 1548-1433
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 95-117
ISSN: 1547-7444
This paper sets out to examine, at the national level, changes in the socioeconomic status of Indigenous Australians during the decade 1991–2001, a period that closely matches 'the reconciliation decade'. The information used is from three five-yearly censuses undertaken by the Australian Bureau of Statistics in 1991, 1996 and 2001. Comparisons are made both of change in absolute wellbeing for the total Indigenous population, and of relative wellbeing between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Five broad categories of socioeconomic status are used in the analysis—employment, education, income, housing and health. The decade is divided into two five-year periods, 1991–1996 and 1996–2001. In 1996, there was a change in Federal government so that for the first time since Indigenous Australians were included in the census in 1971, there is a close match between political and census cycles. This facilitates a comparative assessment of the broad Indigenous affairs policy performance of the Hawke and Keating governments from 1991 to 1996, and that of the Howard governments between 1996 and 2001. This comparative analysis is important because there has been an attempt to change the broad approach in Indigenous policy since 1996. According to recent policy discourse, the period 1991 to 1996 saw a focus on both 'symbolic' (Indigenous rights and 'practical' (socioeconomic improvements) reconciliation, while the period since 1996 has focused increasingly on 'practical' reconciliation only, in an attempt to reduce the material disadvantage of Indigenous Australians. The paper develops a 'scorecard' and shows that, in absolute terms, it is difficult to differentiate the performance of governments pre- and post-1996. However, in relative terms—that is when comparing the relative wellbeing of Indigenous people as a whole with all other Australians—there is some disparity between the two periods, with the early period 1991–1996 clearly outperforming the more recent period. In conclusion we note that while practical reconciliation forms the rhetorical basis for Indigenous policy development since 1996, there is no evidence that the Howard governments have delivered better outcomes for Indigenous Australians than their predecessors. Indigenous socioeconomic problems are deeply entrenched and do not seem to be abating even during a period of rapid economic growth at the national level. It is of particular concern that some of the relative gains made between 1991 and 1996 appear to have been offset by the relatively poor performance of Indigenous outcomes between 1996 and 2001.
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