Suchergebnisse

This paper sets out to examine, at the national level, changes in the socioeconomic status of Indigenous Australians during the decade 1991–2001, a period that closely matches 'the reconciliation decade'. The information used is from three five-yearly censuses undertaken by the Australian Bureau of Statistics in 1991, 1996 and 2001. Comparisons are made both of change in absolute wellbeing for the total Indigenous population, and of relative wellbeing between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Five broad categories of socioeconomic status are used in the analysis—employment, education, income, housing and health. The decade is divided into two five-year periods, 1991–1996 and 1996–2001. In 1996, there was a change in Federal government so that for the first time since Indigenous Australians were included in the census in 1971, there is a close match between political and census cycles. This facilitates a comparative assessment of the broad Indigenous affairs policy performance of the Hawke and Keating governments from 1991 to 1996, and that of the Howard governments between 1996 and 2001. This comparative analysis is important because there has been an attempt to change the broad approach in Indigenous policy since 1996. According to recent policy discourse, the period 1991 to 1996 saw a focus on both 'symbolic' (Indigenous rights and 'practical' (socioeconomic improvements) reconciliation, while the period since 1996 has focused increasingly on 'practical' reconciliation only, in an attempt to reduce the material disadvantage of Indigenous Australians. The paper develops a 'scorecard' and shows that, in absolute terms, it is difficult to differentiate the performance of governments pre- and post-1996. However, in relative terms—that is when comparing the relative wellbeing of Indigenous people as a whole with all other Australians—there is some disparity between the two periods, with the early period 1991–1996 clearly outperforming the more recent period. In conclusion we note that while practical reconciliation forms the rhetorical basis for Indigenous policy development since 1996, there is no evidence that the Howard governments have delivered better outcomes for Indigenous Australians than their predecessors. Indigenous socioeconomic problems are deeply entrenched and do not seem to be abating even during a period of rapid economic growth at the national level. It is of particular concern that some of the relative gains made between 1991 and 1996 appear to have been offset by the relatively poor performance of Indigenous outcomes between 1996 and 2001.

This paper sets out to examine, at the national level, changes in the socioeconomic status of Indigenous Australians during the decade 1991–2001, a period that closely matches 'the reconciliation decade'. The information used is from three five-yearly censuses undertaken by the Australian Bureau of Statistics in 1991, 1996 and 2001. Comparisons are made both of change in absolute wellbeing for the total Indigenous population, and of relative wellbeing between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Five broad categories of socioeconomic status are used in the analysis—employment, education, income, housing and health. The decade is divided into two five-year periods, 1991–1996 and 1996–2001. In 1996, there was a change in Federal government so that for the first time since Indigenous Australians were included in the census in 1971, there is a close match between political and census cycles. This facilitates a comparative assessment of the broad Indigenous affairs policy performance of the Hawke and Keating governments from 1991 to 1996, and that of the Howard governments between 1996 and 2001. This comparative analysis is important because there has been an attempt to change the broad approach in Indigenous policy since 1996. According to recent policy discourse, the period 1991 to 1996 saw a focus on both 'symbolic' (Indigenous rights) and 'practical' (socioeconomic improvements) reconciliation, while the period since 1996 has focused increasingly on 'practical' reconciliation only, in an attempt to reduce the material disadvantage of Indigenous Australians. The paper develops a 'scorecard' and shows that, in absolute terms, it is difficult to differentiate the performance of governments pre- and post-1996. However, in relative terms—that is when comparing the relative wellbeing of Indigenous people as a whole with all other Australians—there is some disparity between the two periods, with the early period 1991–1996 clearly outperforming the more recent period. In conclusion we note that while practical reconciliation forms the rhetorical basis for Indigenous policy development since 1996, there is no evidence that the Howard governments have delivered better outcomes for Indigenous Australians than their predecessors. Indigenous socioeconomic problems are deeply entrenched and do not seem to be abating even during a period of rapid economic growth at the national level. It is of particular concern that some of the relative gains made between 1991 and 1996 appear to have been offset by the relatively poor performance of Indigenous outcomes between 1996 and 2001.

In Syria's Reconciliation Agreements, Raymond Hinnebusch and Omar Imady explore how the regime and the opposition interacted with the evolving idea of musalahat or 'reconciliations'. At first, when neither side could unseat the other, these reconciliations were in essence, truces which reflected the war of attrition. As the regime grew stronger, largely after the Russian intervention, the musalahat evolved into several more advanced types, all designed to break the rebels, yet significantly different in the extent to which the regime was willing to agree to a more balanced arrangement. Hinnebusch and Imady proceed to examine the more recent, and internationally sanctioned, 'deconfliction zones' and show how they are similar, and different, from previous arrangements. The critical trademark of all of this, from a governance perspective, is the fact that all these arrangements entail, in various degrees, the decentralisation of government authority. The paper ends with the ironic conclusion that the Syria that may emerge from all this extensive decentralisation may resemble in certain ways the very Syria the protesters back in 2011 were advocating.

On Monday, March 6, 2017, students from Glebe Collegiate organized a demonstration on the steps of Parliament Hill in Ottawa, Ontario. The students called on the Prime Minister and other elected officials to treat Indigenous peoples with dignity and respect and to immediately cease discriminatory practices. The students named this event Youth and Reconciliation. Erin Samant and Daxton Rhead helped organize and lead Youth and Reconciliation. What follows is a transcript of their statements to fellow students, allies, Members of Parliament, and Indigenous organizations that were present during the event.

In Syria's Reconciliation Agreements, Raymond Hinnebusch and Omar Imady explore how the regime and the opposition interacted with the evolving idea of musalahat or 'reconciliations'. At first, when neither side could unseat the other, these reconciliations were in essence, truces which reflected the war of attrition. As the regime grew stronger, largely after the Russian intervention, the musalahat evolved into several more advanced types, all designed to break the rebels, yet significantly different in the extent to which the regime was willing to agree to a more balanced arrangement. Hinnebusch and Imady proceed to examine the more recent, and internationally sanctioned, 'deconfliction zones' and show how they are similar, and different, from previous arrangements. The critical trademark of all of this, from a governance perspective, is the fact that all these arrangements entail, in various degrees, the decentralisation of government authority. The paper ends with the ironic conclusion that the Syria that may emerge from all this extensive decentralisation may resemble in certain ways the very Syria the protesters back in 2011 were advocating. ; Publisher PDF

In Syria's Reconciliation Agreements, Raymond Hinnebusch and Omar Imady explore how the regime and the opposition interacted with the evolving idea of musalahat or 'reconciliations'. At first, when neither side could unseat the other, these reconciliations were in essence, truces which reflected the war of attrition. As the regime grew stronger, largely after the Russian intervention, the musalahat evolved into several more advanced types, all designed to break the rebels, yet significantly different in the extent to which the regime was willing to agree to a more balanced arrangement. Hinnebusch and Imady proceed to examine the more recent, and internationally sanctioned, 'deconfliction zones' and show how they are similar, and different, from previous arrangements. The critical trademark of all of this, from a governance perspective, is the fact that all these arrangements entail, in various degrees, the decentralisation of government authority. The paper ends with the ironic conclusion that the Syria that may emerge from all this extensive decentralisation may resemble in certain ways the very Syria the protesters back in 2011 were advocating. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

South African state schools have begun to admit pupils from different linguistic, cultural, religious and political backgrounds. This could raise problems for Religious Education which traditionally has been instruction in the Christian faith rather than education in religion. If the subject is to gain credibility a new approached must be adopted, one which has the aim of concealing people from different backgrounds. Suggestions are made as to how this could be done, viz, a study of the world's major religions as a way of inculcating attitudes of tolerance and respect, an emphasis on the importance of inter-personal relations, as well as God's demands for justice and righteousness. If this line of approach is followed not only will the person-building potential of Religious Education be realised, but the subject could make a contribution to the policy of reconciliation.

This report discusses the budget reconciliation process that is used by congress during the past quarter-century to implement major changes in budget policy.

This paper provides an overview of discourses of the movement for national reconciliation prevailing within the Australian socio-political context since the inception of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation in 1991, to the national apology delivered by the Prime Minister Kevin Rudd on 13th February 2008. It provides an framework for the various discourses of reconciliation, by exploring and analysing the accrued meanings to such terms such as 'genuine', substantive or 'true' reconciliation; the Howard's Government's 'practical reconciliation' and the Rudd government's great attempt at 'symbolic' reconciliation in the national apology to Indigenous Australians. In the changing political context in Australia today this paper revisits the debates on reconciliation, and endeavours to locate the movement solidly within a human rights framework that includes first nation rights. This requires an examination of the roots of the reconciliation movement including community attitudes to reconciliation and the nature of the peoples' movement as well as the differing perspectives of policy makers, politicians and of course, Indigenous peoples. It asks crucial questions about the progress of reconciliation and the type of reconciliation mainstream Australians will accept. In truth therefore, was the 'National Apology' a grand symbolic gesture by mainstream Australia to maintain the status quo and divert our eyes from the more searching questions of the 'unfinished business' of 'substantive' reconciliation which encompasses first nations rights for Indigenous peoples.

The Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) originated from the Lomé Peace Agreement, signed on 7 July 1999. The agreement provided for a cessation of hostilities and the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of combatants. The TRC was a vital part of a strategy for making the country's fragile peace permanent. Since the Lomé Accord gave all combatants in Sierra Leone's war a blanket amnesty, the TRC was intended to provide an alternative form of accountability. The TRC Act calls on the Commission to undertake research, receive statements from victims and witnesses, and hold public sessions with the aim of establishing an impartial historical record of violations and abuses of human rights and international humanitarian law related to the armed conflict in Sierra Leone, from the beginning of the Conflict in 1991 to the signing of the Lomé Peace Agreement. The Act also calls to address impunity, respond to the needs of the victims, promote healing and reconciliation and to prevent a repetition of the violations and abuses suffered. Most importantly, the TRC Act also stated that the TRC should be able to facilitate victim-offender mediation in cases where the victims welcomed it. In this thesis, I will discuss the Sierra Leone TRC and how it was influenced by traditional methods of reconciliation. We must note that the most important day to day exercise of restorative justice is to be found in the work of rural or local communities. In Sierra Leone, these communities were worst hit during the war as compared to the capital, Freetown. One of the questions which my study aims to answer is if the formal TRC system or methods of mediation were preferable to or more useful than the traditional/ritual methods of reconciliation in Sierra Leone.

This dissertation offers a normative account of how we should conceive of reconciliation between Indigenous people(s), states qua states, and their non-Indigenous citizens. It mines pre-theoretic understandings of reconciliation to determine appropriate governing norms for reconciled relationships, the normative expectations that attend these, and what processes or initiatives might be necessary to achieve them. In liberal democratic settler states like Canada, Australia, the United States and New Zealand the desirability of reconciliation is acknowledged by all parties. However, considerable ambiguity surrounds the concept 'reconciliation.' This is problematic because concepts influence social discourse, and the rhetoric of reconciliation not only guides public policy by prioritizing some goals over others, it also influences the process of building healthy relationships by demarcating the contours of this discourse. This makes the need for clarity with respect to the concept acute. Yet a priori judgements about the content of reconciliation are unwarranted in intercultural political contexts. Accordingly, this work takes as its first point of reference an intriguing instrument of reconciliation almost universally thought to be involved in the process: official apology for historical and enduring injustices perpetrated by settler states against Indigenous people(s). In the broadest terms, the project offers something akin to a transcendental argument: if apology of this kind is involved in reconciliatory projects, what does its use say about the process and aims of reconciliation? Chapter 1 explores how to make sense of official apology for historical and enduring injustice by grounding contemporary non-Indigenous citizens' reparative responsibilities in the context of reconciliation. Chapter 2 delves into official apology, asking what it should look like, from whom it should come, and what it should aim to do. Chapter 3 sheds light on the process of reconciliation by examining the means by which the goals of apology can be promoted through substantive initiatives that simultaneously demonstrate apologetic sincerity. Finally, chapter 4 offers necessary conditions for reconciliation as an outcome. It argues that since apology seeks both to circumscribe the range of reasonable interpretation of history and to enact or engender reciprocal attitudes or respect and trust, so too should these elements feature in any defensible conception of reconciled relationships in the settler state context.

Consistent with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, this paper describes children's involvement in a historic human rights case that found the government of Canada guilty of racially discriminating against 163,000 First Nations children. Despite Canada's efforts to discourage and bar young people from participating, children and youth were among the first and most engaged followers of the case, debunking the myth that children "can't" or "shouldn't" participate in legal matters. Children and youth who participate in social change activities benefit greatly from the experience, as do their communities. The participation of children and youth in the First Nations child welfare case demonstrates that young people are truly leaders in reconciliation and social justice; they teach us about how change really happens. Adults have a responsibility to facilitate exciting and creative ways to involve children in the social and legal processes that impact their lives.

Swat has held prominence for its known history. In 1915 Swat State came into being after which Swat tremendously progressed in fields of education, health care services, peace, communication and judicial system. The State was brought to an end in 1969 with which drastic changes occurred in all respects. A new and alien administrative apparatus was brought, characterized by federal and provincial centralization, bureaucratic mindset, red-tape and dilly-dally, which proved unresponsive and hence generated sense of deprivation and resentment. With each passing day, the people saw to the state period with nostalgia and aspired for a positive change, especially in the judicial arena. This boosted Tahrik Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM) and its demand for making the judicial system conform to Islamic laws. Some other factors, internal and external, also worked in their own ways. All these culminated into the Taliban upsurge in 2007 and the resultant fighting, military operations, destruction and displacement of millions of people. By July 2009, the Taliban were defeated and the situation brought under control by the security forces, but the Taliban and their ideology have not perished. Therefore, for a durable peace, the core issues needs to be addressed spiritedly and the Taliban brought to the mainstream.

International audience ; After 1989, Czechoslovakia, then the Czech Republic, favored a punitive approach at the expense of national reconciliation in order to deal with its communist past. The legal apparatus and normative framework neglected to consider individual and collective mitigating circumstances when evaluating the complex life trajectories of a number of its citizens. This approach has divided Czech society and brought little justice. On the other hand, it has permitted the emergence of a new class of history entrepreneurs, who have gained political and professional capital from their endeavor to transform anticommunist ideology into national memory.

In the world bedeviled with outbreak of war, sickness, social vices, religious intolerance, racial discrimination, political killings and hostility, there is need for sanity and reconciliation as a way of creating enabling environment for peaceful co-existence and development. Reconciliation is an initiative that encourages dialogue and practical engagement across cultural, political, racial, religious, national and other differences. Culture, a generality of people's way of life, has the ability to foster global reconciliation, unfortunately, the world powers; peace keepers and international humanitarian agencies have not explored and harnessed the potentialities in different cultures of the world, as panacea to global disharmony. It is the position of this paper that Igbo culture, with is rich norms and values, has all it takes to promote global peace and reconciliation. This paper looked into those aspects of Igbo culture that promote harmony and peaceful co-existence, like marriage in Igbo culture, hospitality in Igbo culture, Igbo taboo system, Igbo hand work, Igbo family system and every other aspect of Igbo life. If these rich Igbo norms and values are projected and embraced by the entire globe through acculturation definitely there will be relative peace and global reconciliation to a greater extent. Article visualizations: