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This paper investigates the conditions for the implementation of the Europe 2020 strategy. The overall situation of the states belonging to the European Union presents many differences, determined by demographic, social, productive and economic changes. Moreover, every Country organizes its own welfare by grounding it on deeply-rooted and hardly equitable traditions.However, there is a hard push towards a unified model of "active welfare state" that is not centered on relief but on individual responsibility and remunerated employment. Such feature would act as a guarantee of its correct functioning, thus responding to the changing competitive balance determined by the process of globalization and the internationalization of markets, as well as by deep changes involving factors such as production systems, labour market, family structure, and demographics. The eventualsynergy between the "active welfare state" and the strategy advocated by Europe 2020 for a "smart," "sustainable," and "inclusive" growth, could pivot on lifelong learning provided to the active citizenship by encouraging the empowerment of individuals. The perspective, within which this latter improvement is achieved, draws on equality and parity, hence subtracting knowledge and learning from being manipulated by profit-making togetherwith vicious solidarity and social ties with the rules of market economy. ; L'articolo si interroga sulle condizioni per la realizzazione della strategia di Europa 2020. La situazione complessiva degli stati appartenenti all'unione presenta non poche difformità, determinate dalle trasformazioni demografiche, sociali, produttive ed economiche. Ogni nazione, inoltre, organizza il proprio welfare anche in base a tradizioni radicate e difficilmente omologabili.Tuttavia, vi è una importante spinta verso un modello unitario di stato sociale attivo – active welfare state – centrato non sull'assistenza ma sulla responsabilità individuale e sull'occupazione retribuita, come garanzia del suo funzionamento, in risposta ai mutati ...

Si prendono in esame, per il quadrimestre considerato (maggio-agosto 2021), i principali avvenimenti politico-istituzionali che hanno interessato l'ordinamento canadese: dalla nomina alla carica di Governatore Generale della prima donna di etnia Inuit alla convocazione di elezioni anticipate.

The dynamics of transitional justice have been shifting, in the past decade, from democratization towards a more reconciliation/truth approach. Many scholars have underlined a connection between the concept of reconciliation and that of Christian forgiveness. Some case studies do indicate that there may be a strong link between these two concepts (South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission is probably the most well known example). Nonetheless a number of more recent analysis, such as those dealing with Timor East and the Moroccan IER (Instance Equité et Réconciliation) seem to indicate that reconciliation is neither solely linked with Christian forgiveness nor is a solely religious concept. On the one hand the Timor East experience demonstrates that reconciliation is well known as a process even within other religious experiences and is, often, the outcome of a restitution/compensation process, properly ritualized to guarantee a local acknowledgment .On the other hand the Moroccan experience shows that reconciliation can have a more universal value, without any religious aspects. Furthermore reconciliation is a goal that can be achieved through a well structured legal and social reform and through acknowledgment of the past and compensation for victims. These different experiences may indicate that reconciliation, within transitional justice, may be very different from forgiveness, given the intensity and the high number of individuals involved; therefore defining the reconciliation process as a long term goal of a transitional society which can be obtained through a well defined political and juridical, or quasi juridical, plan and which aim is to guarantee a peaceful coexistence within society more than a personal and interior process like forgiveness. Certainly what we are witnessing today is a broad de-secularization of the transitional justice phenomena due to the increasing number of societies which choose local and traditional rituals/values to achieve reconciliation. Part I of this work concentrates on giving a definition of transitional justice, and its evolution, particularly engaging the issues arisen with the application of new instruments such as truth commissions. Part II concentrates on the religious elements of the Community Reconciliation Process (CRP), and how the traditional values influenced the out come: the importance given to the lisan, a traditional religion, which was the basis for the creation of the CRP and the meta-legal basis for the rituals implemented during the hearings. Furthermore it studies the South African experience, from the perspective of religious faith and religious actors, taking into consideration the role played in the creation and works of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission: from the concept of Ubuntu, which played a role in the provisional constitution and therefore in the creation of the Commission; to the importance of forgiveness, constantly indicated as the principal instrument by the president of the commission Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Part III deals with the Moroccan commission (IER) is taken in exam, as a third secular process towards reconciliation: the focus of the commission on human rights and reparation as only mean to obtain reconciliation and social stability. The final part, the conclusions, tries to identify if forgiveness is a universal concept or has a different meaning for different religions. If so, can there be a general instrument for transitional justice which focuses on forgiveness or, maybe, can religions, through their own definition of such concept, influence a transition towards those mechanism of reconciliation best suited for the local traditions.

National and international politics of the past in Germany since the 1990s In many European countries, the revolutions at the end of the 1980s marked the transition to an unpredictable future and the transformation of interpretations of the past. Against this background, the article discusses the change of memory cultures in Germany since 1989-90. The second part examines the new opportunities for reparations for Nazi injustice after the breakdown of the communist regimes. The third part demonstrates the limits of reparations and explains why the German government stuck to its former rigid policy lines in this field. Although the Foundation EVZ marks a decisive step in reconciling the general policy of the past with new initiatives in the culture of remembrance, the current discussions on reparation claims, especially by the Polish and Greek governments, indicate that the dispute over the costs of the German occupation in Europe continues today.

In the aftermath of the triumphant victory of Ariel Sharon, the Israeli nationalist rightist-center LICUD party absorbed the great majority of the rival leftist-center MAARACH party, led by Shimon Perez. The merging of the parties & reconciliation of these adversaries ruling jointly in the name of national unity are explored. Topics include the legacy of Prime Minister Ehud Barak, problems with the Oslo Peace Accords, Peres's role in explaining Sharon's policies in the US & Europe, political errors made by both Peres & Sharon, & the roots of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. J. Sadler

We analyse the representation of the end of ETA's terrorism in thecontemporary self-fiction theatre. Therefore we study the importance of the physicalwalls considering the symbolical values they represent and the social, mental andemotional barriers that lead the characters to repeat political struggles, generation aftergeneration. The vision of reconciliation and forgiveness may be dark if it becomespossible only when those walls and their cultural background are knocked down, or itcan be bright if it is considered as an emancipation from that background. ; Analizamos la representación del fin del terrorismo etarra en el teatrocontemporáneo autofictivo. Para ello estudiamos el alcance de los muros físicos, consus valores simbólicos, y de las barreras sociales, mentales y emocionales que llevan alos personajes a luchas repetidas de naturaleza política generación tras generación. Lavisión de la reconciliación y el perdón puede ser sombría, ya que estos son solo posiblescuando esos muros y los fundamentos culturales que representan se abaten, o puedeser luminosa, si se interpreta como una emancipación de dichos fundamentos. ; We analyse the representation of the end of ETA's terrorism in thecontemporary self-fiction theatre. Therefore we study the importance of the physicalwalls considering the symbolical values they represent and the social, mental andemotional barriers that lead the characters to repeat political struggles, generation aftergeneration. The vision of reconciliation and forgiveness may be dark if it becomespossible only when those walls and their cultural background are knocked down, or itcan be bright if it is considered as an emancipation from that background.

Work-life balance is one of the current issues within the academic, political, and managerial debate. An article discussed in a TAO Research Programs seminar held in June 2015 at the University of Modena and Reggio Emilia, suggests a critical interpretation of the mainstream literature and its related controversial results in terms of work-life reconciliation practices. The article also provides an alternative analytical framework based on Bruno Maggi's organization theory, Norbert Elias' theory of time, and Amartya Sen's theory of justice. Scholars from different universities and disciplines contribute with comments on the notions of time, justice, organization and the proposed interpretative framework as well.

During the Years of Lead in Morocco state-sponsored violence was embedding not only the privacy of victims' bodies, but also their affective and psychological well-being to the extent that many attempts at the narrativization of violence via testimonials and prison memoirs mostly fail to convey the trauma experienced in Moroccan secret prisons. My concern in the present undertaking is the fragility of testimony as a performative act inhabited by the impossibility of telling together with an obligation of voicing out pain and trauma. After the hearing sessions organized by the Moroccan Equity and Reconciliation Commission in 2004 (ERC) another narrative turn, then, has emerged in Moroccan theatre and other artistic forms whereby re enactments of prison memoirs, testimonials, and other registers of repressed personal archives are employed onstage and else as means of breaching the walls between the personal and political.

Politics of Memory in Slovenia and in the Northern Adriatic between national practices and international entanglements This essay analyzes the politics of memory in Slovenia and in the Italo-Slovene borderlands from the 1990s until the present. It does so by questioning the transformation of the memorial landscape in Slovenia and it illustrates how the calls for a national reconciliation brought to the revision of historical narratives in the public space. However, using a decentered and comparative perspective, it demonstrates that this phenomenon is not peculiar to Slovenia as a post-socialist country, but it represents a common European feature. The case of the Italo-Slovene borderland shows that if politics of memory in post-Cold War Slovenia are as they are, is not only because of the country's socialist past, but they are framed in close international interaction with mnemonic narratives in neighboring Italy.