In the present articles we will analyze the way in which Dieter Henrich interprets the aesthetic conception of Hegel. As we shall see, the author considers that, during the last years of his life, Hegel revised his position contrary to modern art and developed a favorable interpretation of it. Henrich discovers in Hegel's intuitions about objective humor an appropriate starting point for thinking about a non-sovereign conception of subjectivity and for developing an affirmative aesthetic of truth. To do this, however, he not only departs from the assumptions of Hegelian aesthetics but also projects traditional categories on modern art and contemporary art. For this reason, after reviewing Henrich's critiques of reflexive theories of consciousness and reconstructing the way in which he understands the relation between art and subjectivity, we will delineate some considerations concerning the difficulties that are contained in his tendency to ignore the radical autonomy of modern art. As we will argue, Henrich denies the critical moments of modernity by neutralizing his possible excesses and constructs a theory of modern art that can no longer be faithful to its constitutive ambiguity.
The mainstream view of the twentieth century suggests that the Scottish philosopher and economist Adam Smith made a tout court defense of individualism and the pure rational calculation of economics. However, we consider this to be a biased interpretation that ignores an integrated reading of his books, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and Wealth of Nations (1776), which hinder a global view of his thinking. In opposition to this dominant view, we propose, as the central objective of this article, the conciliation between Smith's classical liberalism and his sentimental ethics, based on the notion of human dignity, present in the recognition of the other as an equal. If this hypothesis is confirmed, we will defend the thesis of sympathetic liberalism in Adam Smith's philosophical system. For this, we will analyze the feeling of Smithian sympathy and its interference in interpersonal relationships, then, the device of moral justification of impartiality as a promoter of fairness behavior. Finally, we will argue that the intertwining of these two elements of Smithian sentimental ethics in public space engenders a notion of human dignity compatible with his liberalism, insofar as it respects individual freedoms while fostering the progress of commercial societies. For such, we will make use of the work Theory of Moral Sentimentalism by Adam Smith and the article Sympathetic Liberalism: Recent Work on Adam Smith by Stephen Darwall.
Seventeen years after the genocide, Rwanda remains a divided country shaped by the opposition between Hutus and Tutsis, colonized and settlers, genocidaires and victims. As President Kagame and the RPF stand firmly in control of the country, democracy is delayed. Only a reconciliation process among Rwandese and their history, and the renewing of the policy making will allow a real transition to democracy. Adapted from the source document.
Last December, the Iraq Study Group presented an independent & bipartisan report on the Iraqi situation. The report describes the situation as "serious & deteriorating" & advocates a pull-out of the troops until 2008, the launch of a new peace initiative towards the Palestinian conflict & an open dialogue with Syria & Iran. It also suggests the formation of a support group including Iraq's neighbors & other key-countries in the region & the world. The report demands a greater commitment from the Iraqi government in achieving the goals of reconstruction, security & national reconciliation. However, in his speech of January 10, President Bush has announced a new strategy for Iraq that diverges in some critical aspects from the recommendations made by the ISG. Adapted from the source document.
The political relations between Turkey and Armenia are unavoidably linked to the dispute on whether the massacre of the Armenian community by the Turkish authorities in 1915, still under the Ottoman empire, should be defined as a genocide. However, there has been some recent progress in the attempt to normalize the political relations between the two countries. Based on Hannah Arendt's theory about forgiveness and politics, it is this paper's aim to analyze one of those progresses, namely the Zurich protocols. We argue that, in spite of some positive factors, the decision to include in the protocols an historical evaluation of the 1915 events condemns them to failure, since, according to Arendt's theory, any result of this investigation could harm the reconciliation procedure. Adapted from the source document.
Resumo Este artigo apresenta alguns resultados de pesquisa realizada no Estado do Rio de Janeiro, entre os anos de 2013 e 2014, a qual investigou a compatibilização da vida familiar com o trabalho pago e as mediações de gênero nesse processo. Através da seleção de parte dos dados, o trabalho sugere que além dos impactos em esferas públicas sobre as oportunidades e as carreiras no mercado de trabalho, e/ou sobre a presença em espaços políticos, bastante discutida nas últimas décadas, a distribuição desigual de trabalho doméstico tem efeitos sobre as percepções de bem-estar dos indivíduos sobre o seu bem-estar. Tais percepções são aqui enfocadas em termos de efeitos na subjetividade sobre esse balanceamento, e não das condições materiais de consumo ou bens. O artigo mostra que, em se tratando de relações de gênero, isso não ocorre de maneira indiferenciada. Atividades e práticas de sociabilidade, assim como níveis de "satisfação" apresentam respostas diferenciadas para homens e mulheres, evidenciando, mais uma vez, que padrões desiguais de responsabilidades e envolvimentos domésticos e familiares são problemáticas sociais, e não problemas de escolhas individuais.
The making of a Constitution is a fundamental process towards the development of a post-conflict State, the peaceful coexistence of its citizens and, in the end, to guaranty the social cohesion & reconciliation, as well as a lasting & sustainable peace. The present article focuses on the relevance of the politico-constitutional dimension as a statebuilding element, analyzing the inherent dilemmas & perversities that may result from the intervention of external actors. The lessons that may be learned from the case of Iraq are relevant in order to identify the limits from external assistance on the making of a Constitution within a post-conflict political transition process, as well as the areas in which it can be optimized. This article argues that the intervention by external actors can be constructive if marginal or even partial at a low intensity level. Adapted from the source document.
How did the various legislative initiatives on access to information in Brazil culminate in the 12.527/11 federal law? Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, this article analyzes the agenda setting and strategies of different coalitions, analyzing a broad array of news, interviews, laws, and official documents between 2001 and 2012. Two coalitions were identified: one in favor of changes in legislation, comprised of sectors of the Executive, legislative, the media and civil society; and another in favor of the maintenance of restrictive rules of access to information, composed of Armed Forces, Itamaraty (Brazil's diplomatic corps) and the Senate's Legislative Commission on Defense and Foreign Affairs. The article also identifies an overlap of two public policy subsystems: the transparency subsystem and the reconciliation one. The latter monopolized the public debate on the subject, contributing to the slowness in approving a transparency law. Itamaraty also emerges as the author of a strong lobby against changes in the rules for document classification, for reasons yet to be studied. ; ¿Cómo las diversas iniciativas legislativas sobre acceso a la información en Brasil culminaron en la aprobación de la ley n.o 12.527 [Ley de Acceso a la Información (LAI), 2011)]? Utilizando el marco de coaliciones de causa (advocacy coalitions framework - ACF), este artículo analiza la formación de agenda y la actuación de diferentes coaliciones por medio del análisis de amplio clipping de noticias, entrevistas, leyes y documentos entre 2001 y 2012. Se identificaron dos coaliciones: una a favor de cambios en la legislación, compuesta por sectores del Ejecutivo, Legislativo, medios de comunicación y sociedad civil; y otra a favor del mantenimiento de reglas restrictivas de acceso a la información, compuesta por las Fuerzas Armadas, Itamaraty (Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Brasil) y la Comisión de Relaciones Exteriores y Defensa Nacional del Senado. Se identificó también la superposición de dos subsistemas de políticas públicas, el de transparencia y el de reconciliación. Este último monopolizó el debate público sobre el tema, contribuyendo a la morosidad en la aprobación de la Ley de Acceso a la Información. El Itamaraty también emerge como autor de fuerte lobby contra modificaciones en las reglas de clasificación de documentos, por motivaciones aún por investigar. ; Como as diversas iniciativas legislativas sobre acesso à informação no Brasil culminaram na aprovação da Lei n. 12.527 (Lei de Acesso à Informação [LAI], 2011)? A partir da abordagem de coalizões de defesa (advocacy coalitions framework – ACF), este artigo analisa a formação de agenda e a atuação de diferentes coalizões, por meio da análise de amplo clipping de notícias, entrevistas, leis e documentos publicados entre 2001 e 2012. Foram identificadas duas coalizões: a) uma a favor de mudanças na legislação, composta por setores do Poder Executivo, do Poder Legislativo, da mídia e da sociedade civil; e b) outra a favor da manutenção de regras restritivas de acesso à informação, composta por Forças Armadas, Itamaraty e Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional (CRE) do Senado. Identificou-se, também, a superposição de dois subsistemas de políticas públicas: a) o de transparência; e b) o de reconciliação. Este último monopolizou o debate público sobre o tema, contribuindo para a morosidade na aprovação da LAI (2011). O Itamaraty também emerge como autor de forte lobby contra modificações nas regras de classificação de documentos, por motivos ainda a explorar em profundidade.
