Suchergebnisse

Devletin küçültülmesi sorunu son elli yıllık siyasi ve ekonomik alanın en önemli çalışma alanı olmuş, bilim dünyası ve siyasiler büyük ve hantal devlet yapısından kurtulmaya çalışmışlar, devleti küçültmek için çeşitli yol ve yöntemler önermişler, uygulamaya çalışmışlardır.Anayasal İktisat Kuramı da diğer kuramlar gibi devleti küçültmek için çeşitli önerilerde bulunmuş liberal bir kuramdır. Anayasal İktisat Kuramının devletin küçültülmesine bakış açısı ve önerilerinin neler olduğu bu çalışmanın temel problemidir. Bu problemin araştırılmasında ilk liberal teorisyenlerden başlanarak günümüze değin liberal öneriler ve arkalarından gelişen Anayasal İktisat Kuramı ile Keynesyen teori ve bürokrasi teorileri incelenmiş, geniş bir kaynak taraması yapılmıştır. Elde edilen bilgiler beş ana başlık altında kategorilenerek problem, sebepleri, sonuçları sırası ile çözümlenmiştir. Son olarak Anayasal İktisat Kuramının problemin çözümü ve ideal devlet yapısına ulaşmak için sunduğu öneriler alt başlıklar halinde incelenerek ortaya konmuştur. Anahtar Kelimeler: Anayasal İktisat, Devletin Küçültülmesi, Optimal Devlet ; Downsizing has been the major point of study in the fields of politics and economics for the last fifty years. The scientist and the political leaders have tried to overcome the bulky structure of the state; have advised some ways and methods for downsizing; and have tried to apply such precautions The Constitutional Economics theory is a liberal theory that offers various ways for downsizing. How the Constitutional Economics theory approaches the downsizing matter and what its offers is the basic problem of this study. During the literature review, beginning with the very first liberal theorists, liberal theories and the Constitutional Economics theory, which has been afterwards, have been studied along with the Keynesian theory and the bureaucratic theories. The information gained from the study has been divided into five main categories and it has been resolved respectively the problem, the causes and the results. At the end offered by the Constitutional Economics theory, the solutions, regarding to resolving the problem and reaching to ideal state structure, have been examined under the sub titles. Key Words: Constitutional Economics, State Reduction, Optimum State

Devletin küçültülmesi sorunu son elli yıllık siyasi ve ekonomik alanın en önemli çalışma alanı olmuş, bilim dünyası ve siyasiler büyük ve hantal devlet yapısından kurtulmaya çalışmışlar, devleti küçültmek için çeşitli yol ve yöntemler önermişler, uygulamaya çalışmışlardır.Anayasal İktisat Kuramı da diğer kuramlar gibi devleti küçültmek için çeşitli önerilerde bulunmuş liberal bir kuramdır. Anayasal İktisat Kuramının devletin küçültülmesine bakış açısı ve önerilerinin neler olduğu bu çalışmanın temel problemidir. Bu problemin araştırılmasında ilk liberal teorisyenlerden başlanarak günümüze değin liberal öneriler ve arkalarından gelişen Anayasal İktisat Kuramı ile Keynesyen teori ve bürokrasi teorileri incelenmiş, geniş bir kaynak taraması yapılmıştır. Elde edilen bilgiler beş ana başlık altında kategorilenerek problem, sebepleri, sonuçları sırası ile çözümlenmiştir. Son olarak Anayasal İktisat Kuramının problemin çözümü ve ideal devlet yapısına ulaşmak için sunduğu öneriler alt başlıklar halinde incelenerek ortaya konmuştur. ; Downsizing has been the major point of study in the fields of politics and economics for the last fifty years. The scientist and the political leaders have tried to overcome the bulky structure of the state; have advised some ways and methods for downsizing; and have tried to apply such precautions The Constitutional Economics theory is a liberal theory that offers various ways for downsizing. How the Constitutional Economics theory approaches the downsizing matter and what its offers is the basic problem of this study. During the literature review, beginning with the very first liberal theorists, liberal theories and the Constitutional Economics theory, which has been afterwards, have been studied along with the Keynesian theory and the bureaucratic theories. The information gained from the study has been divided into five main categories and it has been resolved respectively the problem, the causes and the results. At the end offered by the Constitutional Economics theory, the solutions, regarding to resolving the problem and reaching to ideal state structure, have been examined under the sub titles.

Magistrsko delo obravnava uporabo drog v sklopu nočnega življenja v Sloveniji, pri čemer se osredotoča predvsem na after partije. Uporabo drog in after partije obravnava kot specifičen vidik obiskovanja nočnega življenja, pri čemer izhaja iz teze, da ju je treba razumeti sociološko in v širšem družbenem kontekstu. Ker je fenomen after partija na splošno še neraziskan, delo najprej opredeli njegove specifike in značilnosti obiskovanja after partijev. Nato posebej obravnava značilnosti uporabe drog na after partiju, predvsem vzorce uporabe drog, razliko med vzorci uporabe drog na after partijih in partijih ter identificira subjektivne razloge za uporabo drog na after partijih. Nadalje delo razpravlja o možnih tveganjih, ki jih prinaša obiskovanje after partijev in uporaba drog na njih, ter o občutenih posledicah obiskovanja after partijev, ki so lahko bodisi negativne ali pozitivne. Na podlagi identificiranih tveganj delo obravnava ukrepe za zmanjševanje škode, pri tem pa identificira ukrepe, ki jih sogovorniki pogosto uporabljajo in so jih prepoznali kot potrebne, ter ukrepe, ki bi si jih sogovorniki želeli. Na podlagi rezultatov raziskave magistrsko delo ugotavlja, da se after partiji realno in simbolno razlikujejo od ostalih vidikov nočnega življenja, prav tako pa se razlikujejo značilni vzorci uporabe drog ter s tem povezana tveganja in posledice. Kot ugotavlja raziskava, so zaradi drugačnih tveganj in posledic za after partije potrebni tudi posebni ukrepi zmanjševanja škode, zato naloga v sklepnem delu predlaga nekaj možnih ukrepov zmanjševanja škode za after partije. ; This work discusses the use of drugs in the context of nightlife in Slovenia, focusing primarily on after parties. Both the use of drugs and the after parties are analysed as a specific part of nightlife, arguing that this phenomena need to be understood sociologically and in a broader social context. Because after party as a phenomenon has not yet been thoroughly researched, this work first defines its characteristics and analyses the specificities of attending such events. The use of drugs during after parties is also discussed, focusing specifically on the patterns of drug use, on the difference between the patterns of drug use during parties and after parties, and on the subjective reasons for the use of drugs. Moreover, the work discusses the possible risks of attending after parties and of drug use as well as the consequences that visitors of after parties recognise as either negative or positive. On the basis of the recognised risks, this work further discusses the harm reduction measures, identifying those measures that are often used and recognised as necessary by the participants and those measures that the participants recognised as needed. This work argues that after parties differ from the rest of the nightlife on actual and symbolic level and that they are characterised by specific patterns of drug use as well as specific risks and consequences. Due to these inherent specificities, it is maintained that particular strategies of harm reduction need to be implemented. Some possible harm reduction measures for after parties are hence proposed.

This paper argues that by portraying minority concerns primarily as cultural concerns and by discussing minority existence independently of capitalism, neoliberalism, feminism, environmentalism,
globalization, and the distinction between the Right and the Left, the dominant discourse on ethno-cultural minorities, namely multiculturalism, may lead to the reduction of minority communities to cultural entities in the collective consciousness of the dominant majority. Such reductionism endangers minority existence by identifying the question of minorities with the question of culture to the point that minorities voicing their noncultural political concerns increasingly appear unintelligible, presumptuous, or even destructive to wider society. Against this background, the paper discusses why and how ethno-cultural minorities may find their collective identity in different, not necessarily ethno-cultural, political formations in the age of neoliberal globalism, such as anti-neoliberal, anti-globalist, cosmopolitan, environmentalist, anti-capitalist, feminist, radical democratic, republican, and anti-imperialist. This discussion is based on Ernesto Laclau's and Chantal Mouffe's understanding of hegemony and social antagonism.

Abstract. The aim of the article is to examine the relationship between the state, democracy and the Carl
Schimitt's concept of the political. That is going to be
done by reconstructing the concepts of Schmitt's political theory and finding out whether they can be used
to explain the ideology of the new right-wing populism
and illiberal democracy. As it turns out, the Schmitt's
reduction of the political to the friend/enemy antagonism makes the core of the illiberal democracies' ruling
narrative. The Schimtt's understanding of the political doesn't defend the state as a political space but by
cancelling of the liberal elements of democracy ruins
the state institutions. The analysis shows that Schmitt's
notion of the political cannot be used to build effective
democratic state institutions. Namely, in his definition
of the political, politics actually exists only on the outwards, towards some other nation, some other political
unity, but not within the state itself.
Keywords: state, the political, Carl Schmitt, illiberal
democracy

Use of stimulating activities in social work with people with dementia
With growing number of cases of dementia, social work with people with dementia faces new challenges in maintaining dignity in the lives of people with dementia and their families. The article discusses the importance of continuous implementation of various stimulating activities for people with dementia in homes for older people (which are also suitable for implementation in home environment), and their well-being, maintenance of self-worth and self-esteem. Stimulating activities are non-pharmacological forms of care and include various areas: daily tasks (in household and garden), physical exercise, cognitive exercises, as well as complementary activities such as: music and visual arts activities, playing with babies, incorporating modern information technologies, aromatherapy. Stimulating activities can be provided by social workers, occupational therapists and other professionals. Their goal is to maintain cognitive abilities, slow the progression of dementia, and promote well-being of people with dementia. In stimulating activities, the person with dementia, together with a professional, discovers activities that they can manage and enjoy. This leads to reduction in the behavioral and psychological symptoms of dementia.

ÖZET50 yılın üzerinde bir geçmişe sahip fiili Avrupa bütünleşme süreci, geleceğine dair belirsizliklere rağmen işlemekte ve birçok alanı olduğu gibi işitsel-görsel sektörü, gazetecilik pratiklerini de etkilemektedir. Yeni Avrupa'ya paralel olarak yeni bir Avrupa gazeteciliğinden söz edilmektedir. Bu çalışmada AB oluşum süreci paralelinde Avrupa çapında işitsel-görsel alanda ve gazetecilik pratiklerinde ne gibi değişiklikler olduğuna bakılmaktadır. Avrupa Birliği'nde demokratik açık, kamusal alan açığı ve kimlikteki açık olarak ifade edilen üçlü açığın küçültülmesinde medyaya, gazetecilere dolaylı ya da doğrudan biçilen roller bu çalışmada eleştirel bir şekilde sorgulanmıştır. Yeni Avrupa Gazeteciliği adına şimdilik sadece olgunlaşmamış formlardan söz edilebilir. AB haberciliğinin çok önemli bir uzmanlık dalı olarak algılanması ve doğru gazetecilik adına bu konudaki uzmanlaşmanın geliştirilmesi gerekmektedir ama gazetecinin geleneksel niteliklerinin üstünde, AB ilintili bir misyonla donatılmış bir Avrupa Gazeteciliği formuna, gazetecilik ile halkla ilişkiler ya da basın sözcülüğü arasındaki önemli ve hassas ayrım açısından dikkatle ve eleştirel bakmak gerekmektedir. John Keane'nin belirttiği üzere 20. Yüzyıl'ın sonunda tüm küreselleşmeye rağmen demokrasi hala çok savunmasız konumdadır ve medyaya bu anlamda önemli bir iş düşmektedir. AB oluşumu da - çok sıradışı olsa da - bir anlamda bir küresel girişimdir ve demokrasi, insan hakları adına tüm risklerden arınmış değildir. Yeni Avrupa Gazeteciliği'nde gazeteciliğin geleneksel soruşturmacı ve eleştirel yanının AB bütünleşmesi gündeminin gölgesinde kalması kamusal alanın eleştirel işlevini zayıflatacaktır. EMERGING CONCEPT OF EUROPEAN JOURNALISMGökmen H. KaradağABSTRACTThe actual European integration process, which is older than 50 years, is still rolling in spite of uncertainities, and as such it affects several fields as it does the audio-visual sector and journalism practices. There is a talk of a New European Journalism in parallel to the new Europe. In this study, changes that occur across Europe in the audio-visual field and journalism practices during the formation process of the EU are examined. The media's and journalists' directly or indirectly ascribed responsibilities regarding the reduction of the three-fold European deficit which comprises the democratic deficit in the European Union, public sphere deficit and identity deficit, have been critically investigated in this study. In the name of the New European Journalism one can only talk of immature forms. EU reporting should be considered as a very important expertise on its own and this should be developed for the sake of right journalism. However, beyond a journalist's traditional qualities, a European Journalism form associated with any EU-related mission should be carefully and critically investigated in terms of the deliberate distinction between journalism and public relations or press spokesmanship. As John Keane already stated, democracy is still considerably defenseless in spite of the globalization in the 20th century, and therefore this incurs significant responsibilities to the media. The EU formation is -even if quite an extra ordinary one- a global endeavour, and democracy and human rights are not free of all risks. Within the framework of the New European Journalism, a possible overshadowing of the traditional investigative and critical dimension of journalism by the EU integration agenda would only weaken thecriticizing function of the public sphere.ABSTRACTThe actual European integration process, which is older than 50 years, is still rolling in spite of uncertainities, and as such it affects several fields as it does the audio-visual sector and journalism practices. There is a talk of a New European Journalism in parallel to the new Europe. In this study, changes that occur across Europe in the audio-visual field and journalism practices during the formation process of the EU are examined. The media's and journalists' directly or indirectly ascribed responsibilities regarding the reduction of the three-fold European deficit which comprises the democratic deficit in the European Union, public sphere deficit and identity deficit, have been critically investigated in this study. In the name of the New European Journalism one can only talk of immature forms. EU reporting should be considered as a very important expertise on its own and this should be developed for the sake of right journalism. However, beyond a journalist's traditional qualities, a European Journalism form associated with any EU-related mission should be carefully and critically investigated in terms of the deliberate distinction between journalism and public relations or press spokesmanship. As John Keane already stated, democracy is still considerably defenseless in spite of the globalization in the 20th century, and therefore this incurs significant responsibilities to the media. The EU formation is -even if quite an extra ordinary one- a global endeavour, and democracy and human rights are not free of all risks. Within the framework of the New European Journalism, a possible overshadowing of the traditional investigative and critical dimension of journalism by the EU integration agenda would only weaken thecriticizing function of the public sphere.

A.B.D'nin 1945 yılında Japonya'nın iki kentine atom bombası atması sonucunda, Sovyetler Birliği, bir silâh yarışını ateşleyerek, atom silâhlarını geliştiren ve nükleer bölünmede küresel bir menfaati olan ikinci devlet olmuştur. Geleneksel nükleer silâhlar, tek tehdit değildir. 11 Eylül olayları da, teröristlerin, dünyanın nükleer güç istasyonları ve araçlarını hedef alabileceğine dair endişeleri arttırmıştır .İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında nükleer silâhların giderek yayılma eğiliminin görülmesi üzerine, bu silâhların kontrolüne ve sınırlandırılmasına dair yapılan müzakereler, sayı olarak azalmalarına yol açmıştır. Nükleer caydırıcılık hususunun, oldukça uzun bir süredir barışın sürdürülmesine katkıda bulunduğuna dair yaygın bir kanı vardır. Ayrıca, nükleer silâh kullanımı, en azından bazı nükleer güçlerce sadece son çare olarak değil, aynı zamanda dünyanın herhangi bir noktasında kimyasal, biyolojik veya hatta konvansiyonel silâhlarla yapılan bir saldırıya karşılık vermenin bir yolu olarak da dikkate alınmıştır. Nükleer silâh kullanımının, herhangi bir çekince ileri sürülmeden yasaklanmaması durumunda, dünyanın nükleer tehlikelerden tam anlamıyla arındırılması mümkün olamayacaktır. Bu yazıyla, silâh kullanımına dair mevcut sınırlama ve uygulanabilecek hukuk gözönüne alınarak, söz konusu nihai amaca ulaşmak için gelecekte neler yapılabileceğinin değerlendirilmesi amaçlanmıştır. ; As a result of United States' bombing of two Japanese cities in 1945, the Soviet Union, by setting fire of a weapon competition, became the second State which has developed nuclear weapons and has global interest in the nuclear division. The general nuclear weapons are not the only risk. The September 11th incident has been increased concerns about the world's nuclear power stations and means that could be target of the terrorists. After the Second World War, an increasing trend of proliferation of nuclear weapons have led to negotiations on the control and restrictions that would be concluded with reduction of these weapons as number. There is a fairly widespread belief that nuclear deterrence helped to maintain peace over several decades. Moreover, the employment of nuclear weapons is now envisaged - at least by some nuclear powers - not only as a last resort, but also as a way to react to any attacks committed with chemical or biological or even conventional weapons. As long as the use of nuclear weapons has not been unreservedly prohibited, the efforts to create a nuclear-weapon-free world will remain useless. This article, considering existing restrictions and applicable law on the use of weapons, intends to determine what the future works are, in order to reach this aim eventually.

Leta 2005 se je v Evropski uniji govorilo o biogospodarstvu kot dolgoročni viziji, ki bo omogočila dvig konkurenčnosti, boljše izkoriščanje virov in zmanjšanje ogljičnega odtisa. Biogospodarstvo bo ena izmed ključnih usmeritev evropskih držav v bližnji in daljni prihodnosti. Smernice razvoja je začrtala tudi Evropska komisija, temu pa sledijo podporni inštrumenti, ki omogočajo vpeljavo akcijskih načrtov in strategij. Nekatere evropske države, med njimi vodilna Nemčija in Nizozemska, imajo tovrstni sistem že močno zakoreninjen v gospodarskih reformah, vse od krožnega gospodarstva, uporabe biomase, principa kaskade dodajanja vrednosti in vpeljave biorafinerij za nove produkte. Priložnosti so tako na vseh področjih, od kmetijstva, lesne in lesnopredelovalne industrije do ribištva in bioosnovane industrije. Namen raziskovalne naloge je bil preveriti dejavnike, ki vplivajo na razvoj biogospodarstva v Sloveniji. Raziskavo sem izvedel s poglobljenimi polstrukturiranimi intervjuji z več predstavniki iz industrije in raziskovalnih ustanov ter s kreatorji politik (državnih ustanov) in grozdov. Izkazalo se je, da v slovenskem prostoru nimamo strategije, namenjene prehodu v biogospodarstvo, in tako prihaja zgolj do kratkotrajnih primerov dobrih praks na tem področju. Zaradi nizkih industrijskih vlaganj, nerazvitega trga in nizke stopnje ozaveščenosti, tovrstnih produktov tudi še ni na tržišču kljub mnogim raziskavam, ki potekajo na tem področju. Potencial grozdenja pa ostaja neizkoriščen. ; Bioeconomy in the European Union was considered a long-term vision leading to increased competitiveness, better use of resources and reduction of carbon footprint already since 2005. Bioeconomy remains one of the key strategies by European countries in the immediate as well as more distant future. The European Commission developed the guidelines, which were followed by instruments enabling the implementation of action plans and strategies. In some European countries, among them Germany and the Netherland as the leading ones, such systems are already deeply rooted in their economic reforms. This includes circular economy, use of biomass, principle of added value cascade and biorefineries. There are opportunities in the field of the processing industry, different fields of biomass production and processing such as agriculture, aquaculture, forestry, food and wood processing, as well as general biobased industry. The aim of this research was to assess the bioeconomy opportunities and factors influencing bioeconomy. Our study was conducted by in-depth semi-structured interviews with several shareholders from industry, research institutions, policy makers and clusters in Slovenia. Surprisingly, we have observed, that in Slovenia, there is practically no strategy focusing on the transition towards bioeconomy, but only few short-term examples of good practice in this field. Although a number of research projects have been conducted in this sector, and considering very low availability of investments in this field, an underdeveloped market and low awareness-level, there are only few biobased products avaiable on the Slovene market. The potential of clustering has thus become been underexploited.

Avrupa Birliği ülkelerinde küçükbaş hayvancılık sektöründe örgütlenme gerek yüksek damızlık değere sahip hayvanların eldesi amacıyla damızlık yetiştiriciler birliği, gerekse girdilerini ucuza temin etmek, ürünlerini hakça fiyatlara değerlendirmek, sivil toplum örgütü olarak baskı potansiyeline sahip olmak amaçlı yetiştiriciler birliği veya kooperatifi şeklindedir. Bu örgütlerin geçmişi Büyük Britanya İmparatorluğunda 18. yüzyıl başına dayanmakta olup, günümüzde benzer yapılanma Avrupa Birliği, Amerika, Kanada, Avustralya ve Yeni Zelanda'da çok yaygındır. Ülkemizde tarımsal örgütlenmenin geçmişi çok yakındır ve bunun içinde de örgütlenmenin en düşük olduğu sektörler koyun ve keçi yetiştiriciliğidir. Örgütlenmenin yararları hakkında bilgi sahibi olmayan ve son derece geleneksel bir üretim yapısına sahip olan bu sektörlerin sürdürülebilirliği beklenemez ve bu kaçınılmaz süreç 1980 yıllarından beri çok hızlı bir biçimde işleyerek koyun ve keçi varlıklarında sırası ile % 45 ve % 65 lik düşüşlere neden olmuştur. Koyun ve keçi yetiştiriciliğinin desteklenmesi, Avrupa Birliği ülkelerine (EU/CAP, No:2529/2001; CAP REFORMU 2003) göre çok düşük düzeylerde, ülkemizde süt sığırcılığına göre son derece önemsiz destekleri içermektedir. Avrupa Birliği'nin 1962 yılında başlattığı CAP (Ortak Tarım Politikaları) desteğinin hareket noktası, koyun ve keçi yetiştiricilerinin, tarımın diğer kesimlerine göre çok düşük düzeylerde yıllık gelirlere sahip olmaları ve bu sektörlerin kayıplarını karşılayarak bulundukları yörelerde tutmaktır. Bu uygulama, yetiştiricilerin kırsaldan kente göçünü ve onun beraberinde getirdiği sosyo-ekonomik sorunları baştan durdurmak ve küçükbaş hayvancılığın çok özel ve kıymetli ürünlerinin üretimini sürdürülebilir kılmaktır. ; In EU, small ruminant producers formed small ruminant breeders' associations with the objectives of producing high producing breeding stock along with small ruminant producers' unions or cooperatives with the objectives of obtaining inputs cheaper; marketing their products with their proper values; forming NGO's with political and social pressure potentials and also help themselves solve the problems they face. The history of the foundation of these organizations may go back to 18th century in the Great Britain. Similar organizations are fairly widespread in Europe, USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. In Turkey, however, the establishment of livestock producer organizations are very recent and the share of small ruminant producer organizations is extremely minute. Sustain abilities of these sectors, unaware of the benefits of unification, are not expected due to the fact that these rural societies exhibit the most traditional characteristics. The inevitable process of decline in small ruminants has been in effect since 1980 in a very serious manner causing reductions approximately 45 in sheep and 65 % in goat numbers. Similarly the support of small ruminant sectors in Turkey is extremely insignificant compared to EU (EU/CAP, No:2529/2001) and the domestically as compared to dairy cattle support regimes. The main concept behind European Union's support regime for small ruminants is the reality that the small ruminant producers net income being much lower than the other agricultural sectors and the belief that the compensation would allow these communities remain in their homelands. This regime aimed at preventing the rural urban migration and the socio-economical problems related while encouraging the sustainable production of the very special and valuable products of small ruminants.

Pravica državljanov, da sodelujejo pri opravljanju javnih zadev, je eno od tistih demokratičnih načel, ki bi moralo biti skupno vsem državam sodobnega sveta in je zapisana v uvodu Evropske listine o lokalni samoupravi (MELLS). To načelo lahko najneposredneje uresničujemo na lokalni ravni.Prenos pristojnosti, odgovornosti in finančnih virov iz države na organe lokalnih oblasti (lokalne skupnosti) je demokratičen proces (fiskalne) decentralizacije. MELLS je mednarodna pogodba, veljavna tudi v Sloveniji. Občine so v Sloveniji temeljne enote lokalne samouprave, torej predstavljajo tisto raven oblasti, ki je najbližje državljanom. Odgovorne so za zagotavljanje široke palete javnih dobrin in storitev. Z nalogo preverjamo skladnost veljavnega sistema financiranja lokalnih skupnosti (občin) v Sloveniji z osnovnimi usmeritvami iz teorije (fiskalne) decentralizacije ter z načeli MELLS. Pri tem proučujemo področje pokrivanja stroškov nalog občin, njihovo strukturo ter stopnjo medsebojne povezanosti med računsko dodeljenimi sredstvi v okviru mehanizma primerne porabe in zbranimi podatki o stroških po občinah. Na teh podlagah želimo ugotoviti, ali sistem financiranja lokalne samouprave, ki je v veljavi v Republiki Sloveniji, izpolnjuje načelo sorazmernosti virov sredstev z nalogami, ki jih lokalne skupnosti izvajajo. Glede na rezultate lahko ugotovimo, da so načela MELLS zadovoljivo vgrajena v pravni red države. Odstopanja pa ugotavljamo na finančnem področju, kjer načelo sorazmernosti ni ustrezno upoštevano. V obdobju 2010 do 2014 občine niso bile ustrezno financirane glede na njihove naloge. Povprečni stroški na prebivalca so v tem obdobju povprečno za 1,8 odstotka višji od virov na osnovi zakonsko določene primerne porabe. Občine so odvisne predvsem od dohodnine, kot deljenega davka, stopnja avtonomija glede lastnih davkov in njihovih stopenj je nizka. Odhodki občin so se v proučevanem obdobju v povprečju zmanjšali za 6 odstotkov, vendar pa skrbi, da je glavni vzrok tega zmanjšanja v znižanju investicijskih odhodkov za 17,2 odstotkov in investicijskih transferov za 21,8 odstotkov, tekoči odhodki so se znižali za 1odstotek, povišali pa so se transferni odhodki za 4,6 odstotka. Skupaj so se tekoči stroški, ki se upoštevajo pri izračunu povprečnine v razmerju 2014/2010 zvišali za 1 odstotek, sama povprečnina pa se je znižala za 2,5 odstotka. To dokazuje, da se je bistveno poslabšala naložbena sposobnost občin, kot najpomembnejši element izvajanja razvojnih nalog občine. Obseg dodeljene primerne porabe po občini pa se je v povprečju zmanjšal za 1,14 odstotka, in zaostajal za dejansko občinsko porabo. Skupna zadolženost občin je sprejemljiva in znaša 899,2 mio EUR, kar pomeni 2,41odstotka BDP, v skupnem dolgu države pa 2,8 odstotkov. Delež občinskih investicij v skupnem BDP je narastel na 2,4 odstotkov BDP. Občine so investicije financirale predvsem z lastnimi viri (55 odstotkov), s sredstvi EU (24 odstotkov) in z zadolževanjem (5 odstotkov), s sredstvi države pa 16 odstotkov investicij. Glede na določila iz nove finančne perspektive EU za obdobje 2014 - 2020 se bistveno zmanjšujejo možnosti in sredstva za sofinanciranje občinskih investicij, kar bo imelo posledice za zmanjšanje občinskih investicij. Če teh virov ne bo možno nadomestiti, lahko pričakujemo iz tega naslova negativni vpliv na BDP države in razvojnih razlik med občinami. V primerjavi z obdobjem 2007 do 2009 ugotovimo povečanje trenda negativnega razkoraka sredstev primerne porabe in stroškov za izvajanje nalog občin. To kaže na to, da je potrebno izboljšati obstoječi model financiranja. ; The right of citizens to participate in the conduct of public affairs is one of those democratic principles which should be common to all countries of the modern world. And this right is also enshrined in the introduction of the European Charter of Local Self-Government (MELLS). This principle can be most directly exercised at local level, through democratically elected local authorities. The transfer of powers, responsibilities and financial resources from the state to local authorities (local communities) is the democratic process of (fiscal) decentralization. The exercise of MELLS affect the financial relationships between the central and local authorities, since it is necessary to provide such funding of local communities that these will be effective and sufficiently independent in satisfying the public needs of the local population and increasing prosperity of society as a whole. Municipalities in Slovenia are basic units of local self-government. The thesis checks compliance of the current system of funding local communities (municipalities) in Slovenia with the basic guidelines of the theory of (fiscal) decentralization and the MELLS principles. The area of covering the costs of municipal tasks is being discussed, their structure and the degree of interconnection between the allocations in the framework of the mechanism of statutory spending and the data collected on the costs of the municipalities. Based on the results we can conclude that the MELLS principles are satisfactorily integrated into the legal system of the country. However, deviation is observed in the financial sector, where the principle of proportionality is not observed. In the period from 2010 to 2014 the municipalities had not been adequately funded according to their tasks. The average cost per capita in this period is by 1.8% more than the resources on the basis of statutory spending. Municipalities depend mainly on income tax and the rate of autonomy regarding their own taxes and their rates is low. In the observed period, expenditure of municipalities on average decreased by 6%, worrying is the fact that the main cause of the decrease is in the reduction of capital expenditures by -17.2% and capital transfers by - 21.8%, the current expenditure decreased by -1% while the transfer expenses increased by + 4.6%. Together, the running costs that are taken into account when calculating the lump sum in proportion 2014/2010 increased by + 1%, and the lump sum itself decreased by 2.5%. This demonstrates that the investment capacity of municipalities significantly worsened and this is the most important element of the implementation of the development tasks of the municipality. The volume of statutory spending of the municipality dropped by 1.14%, and lagged behind the actual municipal budget. The total indebtedness of municipalities is acceptable and amounts to 899.2 million euros which represents 2.41% of GDP, and 2.8% in the total debt of the country. The share of municipal investments in total GDP has increased to 2.4% of GDP. The municipalities financed the investments from its own resources (55%), EU funds (24%) and debt (5%), with funds from the state 16% investment. According to the provisions of the new EU financial perspective for 2014-2020, the opportunities and funding for co-financing municipal investments is significantly reducing, which will have implications on the reduction of municipal investments. If these resources will not be possible to replace, we can expect a negative impact on the country's GDP and developmental differences between municipalities. In comparison with the period 2007 to 2009, an increase in the trend of negative gap has been noticed between the statutory spending and the cost for carrying out the tasks of municipalities. This shows the need to improve the existing model of financing.

"Yeşil devlet" veya "çevreci devlet" gibi kavramsallaştırmalar ekseninde gelişenakademik çalışmalar, devletlerin 1970'lerden itibaren çevre alanındaki kurumsalgelişiminden hareketle, çevre sorunlarının önlenmesinde etkin bir rol oynayabileceğinisavunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, devletlerin bir yandan normatif anlamda ekonomikfaaliyetlerin muhtemel çevresel etkilerini gözeten katılımcı politikalar geliştirmesi, diğeryandan çevresel etkilerinin daha az olduğu kabul edilen yenilenebilir enerjikaynaklarının kullanımını teşvik etmesi, yeşilleşme göstergeleri olarak ön planaçıkartılmaktadır. Buna karşılık, bazı çalışmalar ise modern devletlerin gerçek anlamdayeşil bir nitelik kazanamayacağını, akademik yazında yeşilleşme göstergesi olaraksunulan önlemlerin aslında çevre sorunlarının önlenmesi değil, en iyi ihtimalle mekânsalveya zamansal anlamda ötelenmesinden ibaret bulunduğunu öne sürmektedir.Bu çalışma, yukarıda anılan farklı bakış açılarından yola çıkarak devletlerin gerçekanlamda yeşil bir karaktere kavuşamayacağını, çevre ve yenilenebilir enerjipolitikalarının aslında meşruiyet temini, enerji arzının çeşitlendirilmesi ve yeni sermayebirikimi alanlarının oluşturulması gibi işlevlere hizmet ettiğini savunmaktadır. Ayrıca,Türkiye'de izlenen çevre ve enerji politikaları göz önünde bulundurulduğunda devletinyeşilleşme yönünde bir dönüşümden geçmediğini tartışmaktadır. Devletin hegemonik birkalkınma ideolojisi doğrultusunda politikalar geliştirdiği, mekanı yurttaşların rızasınıtemin etmeye dönük dağıtıcı mekanizmalar uygulamak ve sermaye birikimine olanaktanımak kaygılarıyla yönettiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Devletin yenilenebilir enerjipolitikalarında temiz enerji üretmek kaygısından ziyade, enerjide dışa bağımlılığıazaltmak ve bu alandaki uluslararası mali desteğin oluşturduğu elverişli ekonomikkoşullardan istifade etmek amaçlarının baskın konumda olduğunu savunmaktadır. Bukapsamda, Aydın ilindeki jeotermal enerji santrali projelerine dair yürütülen bir sahaaraştırmasından da faydalanarak Türkiye'deki yenilenebilir enerji politikasının katılımcıve çevreci değil, dışlayıcı ve neoliberal niteliklere sahip olduğunu vurgulamaktadır.Ayrıca, devletin jeotermal enerji santrallerinin etkileri ile ilgili denetimlerin yapılması,bilgilerin toplanması veya paylaşılması bağlamında sergilediği eylemsizlikle bu konudabelirsizliği egemen kıldığı ve böylelikle projelere dönük muhalefeti güçleştirdiğinisavunmaktadır. Devletin gri alanlar yaratarak enerji politikasını sürdürmesindenhareketle, Türkiye'de devletin durumunu betimlemek üzere "yeşil devlet" yerine gridevlet nitelemesini önermektedir. --- The scholarly works developing around the concepts such as "green state" or"environmental state" argue that the states might assume an effective role in preventionof environmental problems, based on the institutional developments they have achievedsince the 1970s. In this context, the development of participatory policies with due regardof possible environmental impacts of economic activities in the normative sense on theone hand, and incentivization of use of renewable energy resources that are assumed tohave lesser environmental impacts on the other by the states are regarded as indicatorsof greening of the states. However, some scholarly works claim that the modern statescannot acquire a genuinely green quality, and that the measures cited as greeningindicators in academic literature are in fact confined to spatial or temporal displacementof environmental problems rather than their prevention.Based on the abovementioned different perspectives, this study argues that the statescannot obtain a genuinely green character, and that the environmental and renewableenergy policies in fact serve the functions such as diversification of energy supply, andconstitution of new fields of capital accumulation. Moreover, it argues that the state inTurkey is not undergoing a transformation towards greening, bearing in mind theenvironmental as well as energy policies pursued in the country. It demonstrates that thestate develops policies in line with a hegemonic development policy, governing the spacewith concerns oriented around distributive mechanisms for obtaining the consent ofcitizens, and providing opportunities for capital accumulation. It defends that thedominant objective underlying the state's renewable energy policies is reduction of thedependency on energy imports, as well as benefitting from the convenient economicconditions generated through the international financial support offered in this field,rather than production of clean energy. In this scope, it stresses that the renewable energypolicy in Turkey has exclusionary and neoliberal, instead of participatory andenvironmentalist characters, benefiting from a field research on the geothermal powerplant projects in Aydin province. Moreover, it discusses that the state renders opposingthe geothermal projects difficult by allowing the reigning of obscurity in this field throughits inaction in the context of conducting of inspections, as well as collection and sharingof information on the impacts of geothermal power plants. Based on the fact that the statesustains its energy policy through the creation of gray zones, it proposes the qualificationof gray state instead of "green state" towards describing the situation of the state inTurkey.

Pojem administrativna ovira lahko razložimo kot nekaj, kar lahko posamezniku ali organizaciji onemogoča doseganje zastavljenih ciljev v njegovem vsakdanjem življenju. Posebno pozornost v magistrski nalogi smo tako namenili predstavitvi različnih evropskih programov, ki se ukvarjajo s problematiko zmanjševanja administrativnih ovir tako na nivoju EU, kot tudi na nacionalni ravni držav članic. V okviru magistrske naloge smo se osredotočili ravno na črpanje sredstev kohezijske politike EU ter na podlagi podatkov raziskave poskušali pokazati, kje se še možnosti za odpravo administrativnih ovir ter kje so tiste slabosti oz. ovire, ki jim do sedaj nismo pripisovali dovolj velike pozornosti, čeprav se v procesu administrativnega vodenja projektov z njimi vsakodnevno srečujemo. Na ta način bomo dosegli še dodatno poenostavitev postopkov in povečali uspešnost pri črpanju sredstev iz strukturnih skladov EU. V nalogi obravnavani raziskovalni problem, se nanaša na upravljanje s projekti v fazi njihovega izvajanja, v okviru katerega smo se osredotočili na administrativno in finančno poročanje. Z izvedeno raziskavo smo preučili tri sklope vprašanj, ki se nanašajo na administrativne ovire pri projektnem poročanju, organizacijsko strukturo kohezijske politike in rezultate uspešnosti Slovenije pri črpanju sredstev evropske kohezijske politike. Slovenija je primerljivo uspešna z drugimi evropskimi državami pri črpanju sredstev EU, kar smo v sklopu izvedene raziskave dokazali na podlagi analize absorbcijske uspešnosti kohezijske politike. Prav tako Slovenija izkazuje nizek delež administrativnih stroškov glede na ocenjene vrednosti povprečnega deleža bruto domačega proizvoda, ki ga predstavljajo administrativni stroški in je v tem kriteriju izmed primerjanih držav najuspešnejša. S problemom črpanja evropskih sredstev so se ukvarjale vse zadnje slovenske vlade, zlasti v finančni krizi pa so nekako končno priznale, da so to pravzaprav edina dodatna razvojna sredstva, ki jih država lahko pridobi, od njene usmerjenosti in absorbcijske sposobnosti pa je hkrati tudi odvisno, kako uspešno jih bo uspela počrpati. ; The concept of an administrative burden can be explained as something that makes it impossible for an individual or organization to achieve the objectives pursued in their everyday life. Special focus of this master thesis is dedicated to the presentation of different European programs which deal with the problem of reducing administrative burdens at the EU level and also at the national level of individual Member States. The present master thesis focuses particularly on the absorbtion of funds of the EU cohesion policy, and on the basis of the research data attempts to show where there is still potential for the reduction of administrative burdens and where there are those weaknesses or barriers that have not yet received enough attention, although we face them daily in the process of administrative management. In this way we can achieve further simplification of the procedures and enhance efficiency in the disbursement of funding from the EU Structural Funds. The research problem of the thesis relates to the management of projects at the stage of their implementation, in which we focus on administrative and financial reporting. During the survey we considered three main questions related to administrative burdens in the phase of project reporting, organizational structure of the cohesion policy and on the results of the Slovenian performance in the absorbtion of EU cohesion policy funds. Slovenia shares comparable success with other European countries in absorbing EU funds, which was proved on the basis of the analysis of absorbtion efficiency of the Cohesion policy carried out in the framework of this research. Slovenia also shows a considerably low share of administrative costs in relation to the estimated value of the average share of the gross domestic product represented by these administrative costs. In terms of this criterion Slovenia is the most successful country from the countries we compared. All the recent Slovenian Governments have dealt with issues relating to the absorbtion of European funds, especially during the last financial crisis, when they finally recognized that these funds are actually the only additionally available developmental funds the state can obtain. The state's orientation and absorbtion capacity will thus show how successful it will be in the future in absorbing these funds.