Suchergebnisse

Корупција представља један од најопаснијих фе- номена савременог друштва. Уткана у поре готово свих држава, институција и система у већој или мањој мери, као таква зас- лужује да буде предмет истраживања. Карактеристике коруп- ције указују на препознатљив облик коруптивног понашања, док узроци усмеравају пажњу на извориште проблема, усмеравајући ограничене ресурсе на превентивно уместо на, помало застарело, репресивно поступање. Фактори корупције, који су многобројни, ограничени су на оне који су препознати као најзначајнији и ујед- но највећи катализатори развоја корупције. Благовременим фоку- сирањем на факторе корупције омогућује се ажурирање постоје- ћих и проналажење нових механизама којима се корупција може умањити на ниво који омогућава функционисање владавине права и демократског државног уређења. Као земља која је прошла перио- де рата и транзиције, и која је и даље на свом развојном путу, Ср- бија представља одлично тле за доношење закључака о ваљаности постојећих и проналажењу нових антикорупцијских мера. ; Corruption is one of the most dangerous phenomena of modern society. Woven into the pores of almost all states, institutions and systems to a greater or lesser extent, it deserves as such to be the subject of research. The characteristics of corruption indicate a recognizable form of corrupt behavior, while the causes direct attention to the source of the problem, directing limited resources to preventive rather than, somewhat outdated, repressive behavior. Factors of corruption, which are numerous, are limited to those that are recognized as the most important and at the same time the biggest catalysts for the development of corruption. Timely focusing on the factors of corruption enables the updating of existing and finding new mechanisms by which corruption can be reduced to a level that enables the functioning of the rule of law and a democratic state system. As a country that has gone through periods of war and transition, and that is still on its development path, Serbia is an excellent ground for finding conclusions about the validity of existing and finding new anti-corruption measures.

The modern state administration and its bodies and special organizations should act in the field of the rule of law. It is a term that originates from the Anglo-Saxon legal world, but it is also a category and a principle of the Constitution of Serbia from 2006. The paper points out the different understandings of the rule of law and briefly looks at the position of the administration or the phase in its historical course until its subsumption under the principle of legality. In Serbia, state administration bodies consist of ministries, administrative bodies within the ministry and special organizations. Administrative or special organizations are formed by the state in order to perform professional and related administrative tasks. In order to permanently and unhinderedly perform the professional work of these organizations, they can act authoritatively. Special organizations have numerous and diverse administrative powers. The paper points out both the similarities and differences of special organizations in relation to administrative bodies. A review of the activities and organizational structure of all special organizations (secretariats, institutes, directorates and one center) established by the Law on Ministries from 2020 was performed. It was also pointed out that all institutes: the Republic Institute of Statistics, the Republic Hydrometeorological Institute, the Republic Geodetic Institute and the Intellectual Property Institute are special organizations that provide services to interested parties. In one part of the final considerations, the author states that for special organizations (as part of the state administration) it could be concluded that they really operate in the field of rule of law as an order with positive properties as characterized by the Constitution, it is necessary to strictly respect the principles organization of state administration prescribed by the Law on State Administration: independence and legality; expertise, impartiality and political neutrality, effectiveness in exercising the rights of the parties, proportionality and respect for the parties; publicity of work. ; Published

Includes bibliographical references (pages 750-764) and index

The author deals with the history of Croatian Home Guardsmen in the World War Two. The organization and the development of the Home Guard, or Croatian, armed forces is presented, with reference to the political, military and economic conditions. The author emphasizes the need for further studying the history of Croatian Home Guard in the Independent State of Croatia. Along these lines the author presents his views of the problem. (SOI : CSP: S. 583)

The aim of this paper is to investigate the directions of changes in the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union for the period from 2021 to 2027. For the Republic of Serbia, as a candidate country for membership, it is important to monitor the changes that are taking place within the European agricultural policy. Analyzing the available literature and regulations of the European Commission, the authors look at the essence of the Common Agricultural Policy reforms in the upcoming seven-year period, with special reference to the aims, planned financial framework, "greening" of the CAP, as well as implementation of measures in rural development policy segment. Insisting on ecologically sustainable development of agriculture, along with greater institutional authority of the member states, are the key ideas that will guide the Common Agricultural Policy in the upcoming period.

This article presents a brief and critical review of current research of political representation of women. Is the number of women in political institutions represents the indicator of development of democratic society and what influences the increase of number of women active participants in the political institutions? Different approaches to the definition and types of political representation are examined, with special emphasis on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation. The effects of various political factors that determine the presence of women in institutions are considered - the electoral system, the internal organization of parties, selection and recruitment, intra-party rules and lobbying, party magnitude, open/closed electoral lists, voting behavior and the quota system. The results of a large number of studies in this field are compared, with particular reference to the current representation theory - the critical mass, supply and demand, political presence, strategic partnership and critical actors.

This article presents a brief and critical review of current research of political representation of women. Is the number of women in political institutions represents the indicator of development of democratic society and what influences the increase of number of women active participants in the political institutions? Different approaches to the definition and types of political representation are examined, with special emphasis on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation. The effects of various political factors that determine the presence of women in institutions are considered - the electoral system, the internal organization of parties, selection and recruitment, intra-party rules and lobbying, party magnitude, open/closed electoral lists, voting behavior and the quota system. The results of a large number of studies in this field are compared, with particular reference to the current representation theory - the critical mass, supply and demand, political presence, strategic partnership and critical actors.

The paper discusses the approaches of different media to Holocaust (re)presentation, with special reference to art music in the 20th century. Following the classification proposed by Michael Rothberg on two possible perspectives for representing the Holocaust: realistic and anti-realist (2000), we analyse two compositions: Arnold Schoenberg's A Survivor From Warsaw (1947) and Steve Reich's Different Trains (1988). The aim of the paper is to point out how artistic music reflects and participates in the dominant historical and contemporary discourses of Holocaust representation, especially the discourses of "heroism" and "non-representability". ; У раду се разматрају приступи различитих медија представљању Холокауста, с посебним освртом на уметничку музику у 20. веку. Пратећи поделу коју Мајкл Ротберг (Michael Rothberg) предлаже на два гледишта на могућности представљања Холокауста: реалистичко и антиреалистичко (2000), анализирамо дела A Survivor From Warsaw (1947) Арнолда Шенберга и Different Trains (1988) Стива Рајша. Циљ рада је да укаже на то како уметничка музика рефлектује и партиципира у доминантним историјским и савременим дискурсима представљања и разумевања Холокауста, посебно дискурса "херојства" и "неизрецивости".

As the first festival of contemporary music in socialist Yugoslavia, the Music Biennale Zagreb (founded in 1961) attracted a lot of domestic and foreign media attention. This study discusses the reception of the first Music Biennale in the Belgradian daily newspapers, Politika [Politics], Borba [Struggle] and Večernje Novosti [Evening News], with reference to the characteristics of the editorial policies of these three newspapers. The timely and active reporting of the daily press in Belgrade indicates that the first Music Biennale Zagreb was promptly recognised as an important modernist musical festival for the then cultural life of the whole of Yugoslavia. ; Основан 1961. године, Музички бијенале Загреб, први фестивал савремене музике у социјалистичкој Југославији, од почетка је привлачио велику пажњу домаће и иностране јавности. У раду се анализира одјек првог Музичког бијенала у београдским дневним новинама, Политици, Борби и Вечерњним новостима, при чему се указује и на карактеристике уређивачких политика ових трију листова. Правовремено и активно извештавање београдске дневне штампе о првом загребачком Бијеналу сведочи о промптно препознатом значају ове авангардне манифестације за тадашњи културни живот целокупне Југославије.

The maxim that the people is the agent of the constituent power has, since the French revolution, been a universally accepted answer to the issue of the origin and the degree of validity of constitutional law which, as the ultimate norm of a state's legal order has no other higher positive law norm. But that maxim disregards political reality. Neither is it convincing from the point of view of the theory of state. The people is not the subject of activity but onl of reference. The maxim on the constituent power of the people is a democratic myth. As such it is polyvalent: the reinforcement of revolution or its prohibition determine whether the existing constitutional regime is to be overthrown or legitimised. The doctrine of the constituent power of the people is not cognitively rewarding as a theory of legitimation, either, since the effectiveness of a constitution does not depend on its provenance but on the reception it gets here and now from its addressees: state agencies and citizens. (SOI : PM: S. 63)

In the research traditions of social and political science two central answers are being sought. The first is, what is the relationship between the specific con-figurations of the proponents of social changes and the particular outcomes of their activity? The other is, which changes in the configuration of the proponents lead to better results than the existing ones relative to th value criteria such as peace, feasible development, or social justice? This makes the reference frame-work of contemporary discussions on institutional shaping of the relations between the state and the society. In this work, the author first mentions three dominant dimensions of social change to which all of us are exposed. Second, by changing perspective, he goes over from a passive to an active approach in order to observe the actors (citizens) and the forms of their activity (civilness) that might challenge th forces of change and transform them into tolerable or even desirable outcomes. And third, he contributes to the discussion about civilness and depicts in bigger detail six fallacies that must be avoided if one wants to attain a competent configuration of activity. (SOI : SOEU: S. 37)

The migrant crisis that Europe has been facing for many years has triggered an avalanche of xenophobia and the dispersion of anti-migrant sentiments that have become the reference matrix for populist discourse. Anti-migrant discourse emerges in parallel as a form of language use and a form of social and political interaction. The antagonistic stereotypical narrative of migrants begins with the thesis that they constitute a retrograde social group that poses an economic and security threat to the natives and which is not capable of culturally assimilating in the countries of transit and destination (dichotomy Us vs. Them). Spreading anti-migrant discourse becomes a strategy for winning the electorate and an important tool for mobilizing political support. The political engineering of European political parties shows that anti-migrant discourse is not the exclusivity of right-wing parties of the political spectrum (although they are the most closely related), but is becoming an increasingly important topic on the political agenda of left-wing populism. Anti-migrant discourse is reflected through a nationalist and hostile approach to immigration, the glorification of national and sovereign narratives, and hostility to neoliberalism. Anti-migrant narratives have found their footing in the political activities of many European parties that are largely sovereignly profiled. Such a political vault of reasoning transforms migrant into a foreigner and attest on the triumph of communitarianism in regards to cosmopolitanism, which makes the EU's slogan "in varietate concordia" (united in diversity) questionable and subject to deconstruction.

U prvom delu rada ukazuje se na načelne nomotehničke propuste zakonodavca. Potom se analiziraju najznačajnije odredbe Zakona, poput onih o neposrednoj opasnosti od nasilja u porodici u smislu Zakona. U centralnom delu rada obrađene su zakonske novine u postupanju policije, s posebnim osvrtom na odredbe o hitnim merama koje po Zakonu o sprečavanju nasilja u porodici izriče policija. Pri tom, ukazuje se na propuste stručnih obrađivača u formulisanju odredaba o analizi rizika, zadržavanju, i onih koje se odnose na naređenje kojim se izriču hitne mere. Takođe, dotiču se i pitanja sudske zaštite od nasilja u porodici. Kao poseban problem ističe se (u zaključku) odsustvo delotvorne prekršajne odgovornosti učinilaca nasilja u porodici, a to bi se moglo otkloniti de lege ferenda izmenama analiziranog zakona, Zakona o JRM i Zakona o prekršajima. ; In the first part, the paper points to general nomotechnical omissions of the lawmaker. Next, it analyses the most important provisions of the Act, such as those concerning the immediate threat of domestic violence within the meaning of the Act. Central part of the paper deals with legislative novelties pertaining to police conduct, with special reference to the provisions on urgent measures whose issuance the Act on Prevention of Domestic Violence vests in the police. It thereby points to the flawed formulation by professional legislative drafters of the provisions on risk assessment, detention, and ones relating to the order imposing urgent measures. Additionally, it touches upon the issues of judicial protection against domestic violence. As a special problem, the author emphasizes (in the Conclusion) the absence of effective misdemeanour liability for the perpetrator of domestic violence, which could be solved by de lege ferenda amendments to the analysed Act, the Public Order and Peace Act and Misdemeanour Act.

"Vojničku vladavinu" Monteskje je spominjao u sva tri svoja glavna dela: i u Persijskim pismima, i u Razmatranjima o uzrocima veličine Rimljana i njihove propasti i u spisu O duhu zakona. Međutim, samo je u poslednjem delu ovu proglasio za poseban tip despotije. Taj tip despotije Monteskje je razmotrio na primeru starog Rima i došao do zaključka da se značajno razlikuje od onoga što je obično podrazumevao pod despotijom – onom orijentalnom. Dok je, naime, orijentalna despotija bezvremena, jednostavna i lišena bilo kakve predstave o slobodi, "vojničku vladavinu" kao okcidentalan tip despotije karakterisali bi upravo naglašena kompleksnost i istoričnost u kontekstu pervertiranja slobode: ona bi se mogla razumeti samo kao ishod determinizma koji vodi od urušavanja monarhije preko aristokratske i demokratske republike. ; Montesquieu writes about "military rule" in all of his three main works: in the Persian Letters, in Considerations on the Causes of the Grandeur and Decadence of the Romans, as well as his magnum opus On the Spirit of the Laws. However, only in the last work he defined it as a special type of despotism. Montesquieu analyses this type of despotism by reference to ancient Rome and comes to a conclusion that the Roman example differed significantly from what he usually meant by despotism – that is oriental despotism. He claims, namely, that oriental despotism could be perceived as timeless, simple and devoid of any notion of freedom, while "military rule", as "occidental" type of despotism, would be characterized by its complexity and historicity in the context of perversion of freedom. The "occidental" type of despotism, claims Montesquieu, could be understood only as a stage in a deterministic political development that starts with a collapse of the monarchy that is itself a result of a collapse of the aristocratic and democratic republic.