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This article aims to present the Ukrainian war refugees' experience. Twenty-one interviews focused on autobiographical memoirs of Ukrainian war refugees were collected during the field research project in Poland and Germany in the summer and autumn of 2022. The text aimed to point out the peculiarities of Ukrainian refugeeism in the context of its specificity related to the evolution of the phenomenon of migration and forced migration over recent years in Central Europe. The content was analyzed for the fleeing and adaptive context of personal experience. It considers social ties, including family ties, which appeared in the interviewees' statements. The studied material insights into the course of the war in Ukraine in 2022 from the perspective of civilians. It shows numerous and diverse examples of survival and adaptation activities under armed attacks, during the evacuation, border crossing, and anchoring in the places of their new residence. Due to the dominance of women in the sample, these examples can contribute to the analysis of the specificity of female migration, which differs from the previous profiles of economic migration in the region.

The Federal Republic of Germany has developed a model of integration and assimilation of refugees and economic migrants, which for decades was a model for other European countries and the European Union (EU ). This was possible thanks to the consensus between the main political forces in the country, which, despite the natural alternation of power, do not undermine the main objectives of both foreign policy as well as internal, including the approach to immigrants. The situation changed after 2011 and the events in North Africa, known as the Arab Spring, the consequence of which was a massive influx of refugees and immigrants to Germany. This article examines the position of the main political parties in relation to the refugee crisis. ; Republika Federalna Niemiec (RFN) wypracowała model integracji i asymilacji uchodźców i imigrantów zarobkowych, który przez dziesięciolecia stanowił wzór dla innych państw europejskich i Unii Europejskiej (UE ). Było to możliwe dzięki konsensusowi pomiędzy głównymi siłami politycznymi w kraju, które, mimo naturalnej alternacji władzy, nie podważały głównych założeń zarówno polityki zagranicznej, jak też wewnętrznej, w tym kwestii podejścia do imigrantów. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po 2011 r. i wydarzeniach w Afryce Północnej, zwanych arabską wiosną, których konsekwencją stał się masowy napływ uchodźców i imigrantów do Niemiec. W artykule przeanalizowane zostaną stanowiska głównych partii politycznych w odniesieniu do kryzysu uchodźczego.

The Greek Civil War of 1946-1949 divided the Greek society into allies of the monarchy and supporters of the Communist Party of the Greece-led Transitional Democratic Government of Free Greece. The military arm of the leftist center was the Democratic Army of Greece. Until some time, the communist forces were actively supported by the countries of the Eastern Bloc: Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and Romania. However, the Stalin-Tito conflict, which intensified from 1948 onwards, contributed to the defeat of the Democratic Army of Greece, caused by the overwhelming military advantage of the monarchist forces. In mid-1949, a decision was made to evacuate partisan units and the civilian population that had been under their control to Albania. Also, Poland, a country that suffered greatly as a result of World War II, helped Greece. First, by providing food, military and medical equipment, and later by accepting over 13,000 children and adults, fighters and civilians from the areas covered by the war, all terribly tired of war and wandering. The group of migrants was organized from scratch, provided medical and social care, work, education, and access to culture. Migrations of people in search of shelter from conflicts, persecution, and poverty are not only a contemporary problem of the European Union. This article presents the reforms initiated by the government of the Polish People's Republic as a result of the escalation of the crisis in the Balkans. In Poland refugees from Greece found completely new living, civilization, cultural, geographical, and economic conditions. Gradually, they managed to settle in this foreign country. Today many of them are grateful to Poland for their help.

The article offers an overview of the European and Polish refugee policy before the so called refugee crisis of 2015 and the reactions to what has been defined as a critical situation . Prior to 2015 refugee policy has been carried out in the sphere of public ignorance and has not been an issue of public debate. In Poland this promoted the technocratic management and implementation of the EU policy. Stepping of the issue out of the shadows and the ensuing interest of public opinion resulted in the construction of exile as a social problem that calls for urgent policy making efforts. The dominant framing of its subject matter for the emergent Polish refugee policy has been security, while humanitarian concerns has been backgrounded. Stepping out of the ignorance sphere facilitated active reform, yet it also made some policy subject matter features to fall into the sphere of ignorance. ; Narodowe Centrum Nauki

The article analyzes the European Union's policy towards refugees and asylum seekers, focusing primarily on 2014–2016. The author shows that a key role in the crisis related to refugees played by Germany, accepting on its territory without any preconditions thousands of people. In connection with the difficulties that have occurred for this reason, Germany tried to impose mandatory allocation of refugees on the individual Member States of the European Union, which has triggered an internal crisis in the organization. Only through cooperation with Turkey refugee crisis it was brought under control, but the European Union needs a strong policy in this regard, because the old solutions existing solutions do not appear. ; Artykuł analizuje politykę Unii Europejskiej wobec uchodźców i azylantów, koncentrując się przede wszystkim na latach 2014–2016. Autor pokazuje, że kluczową rolę w kryzysie związanym z uchodźcami odegrali Niemcy, przyjmując na swoje terytorium bez żadnych warunków wstępnych tysiące ludzi. W związku z trudnościami, które wystąpiły z tego powodu, Niemcy próbowały narzucić przymusowy podział uchodźców na poszczególne państwa Unii Europejskiej, co wywołało wewnętrzny kryzys w tej organizacji. Dopiero dzięki współpracy z Turcją kryzys uchodźczy udało się opanować, ale Unia Europejska potrzebuje zdecydowanej polityki w tym zakresie, bo dotychczasowe rozwiązania nie zdają egzaminu.

Artykuł analizuje politykę Unii Europejskiej wobec uchodźców i azylantów, koncentrując się przede wszystkim na latach 2014–2016. Autor pokazuje, że kluczową rolę w kryzysie związanym z uchodźcami odegrali Niemcy, przyjmując na swoje terytorium bez żadnych warunków wstępnych tysiące ludzi. W związku z trudnościami, które wystąpiły z tego powodu, Niemcy próbowały narzucić przymusowy podział uchodźców na poszczególne państwa Unii Europejskiej, co wywołało wewnętrzny kryzys w tej organizacji. Dopiero dzięki współpracy z Turcją kryzys uchodźczy udało się opanować, ale Unia Europejska potrzebuje zdecydowanej polityki w tym zakresie, bo dotychczasowe rozwiązania nie zdają egzaminu. ; The article analyzes the European Union's policy towards refugees and asylum seekers, focusing primarily on 2014–2016. The author shows that a key role in the crisis related to refugees played by Germany, accepting on its territory without any preconditions thousands of people. In connection with the difficulties that have occurred for this reason, Germany tried to impose mandatory allocation of refugees on the individual Member States of the European Union, which has triggered an internal crisis in the organization. Only through cooperation with Turkey refugee crisis it was brought under control, but the European Union needs a strong policy in this regard, because the old solutions existing solutions do not appear.

Socio-economic conditions of refugees' settlement in Bulgaria in the 1920s.The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups. ; The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups.

Globally, it is worth stressing that international law, European law and national laws must fulfill the same standards, considering the human rights laws. Since the end of the Second World War, the sphere of international human rights law, including the set of rights of human beings, increased tremendously. In the sphere of human rights, the set of refugees' rights is one of the most important. On the other hand, the sphere of human rights since September 11 had to face the problems of security on a global scale. Today, security impacts the governments, international organizations, NGOs as well as human beings. Let us say that security influences both local and global policy. From this point of view, the article analyzes an important question: Is the human rights system able to function properly with the growing lack of security both in international and regional relations? Can the European Union and its Member States afford total acceptance of international refugee rights regulations referring to African natives? The article refers to the facts from the last few years which totally changed the attitude to human rights laws. It seems that today international organizations such as the United Nations and its specialized agencies should again work on the system of human rights referring to refugees, including legal aspects of counterterrorism. The author also takes into account the necessity of cooperation between the governments in a wider scale, including mutual cooperation and legal activity. ; W opracowaniu analizie został poddany status obywatela Unii Europejskiej z punktu widzenia jego praw podmiotowych w kontekście praw uchodźców wynikających z regulacji międzynarodowych. Zasadniczym celem było określenie granicy pomiędzy prawami obywatela UE a prawami uchodźców. Opisano także wpływ Arabskiej Wiosny Ludów na problem migracji oraz związane z tym zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego państw członkowskich UE. Zasygnalizowano problemy, które pojawiają się w związku z destabilizacją sytuacji na arenie międzynarodowej w rejonie Afryki Północnej i Środkowego Wschodu, rozwojem skrajnych ruchów islamistycznych oraz efektywnym zetknięciem się warstwy jurydycznej norm ochrony praw człowieka i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego.

The paper analyzes publications on refugees in Poland. It presents the conceptual asymmetries and clichés that might hinder the realization of the postulate that the researchers should be the translators of the worldviews of both the refugees and the members of the host society. Three types of asymmetries are being discussed. The first one concerns the unequal regard to the trustworthy and motives of informants. Many authors treat the relations given by the refugees under study as statements on facts, while the relations of other categories of informants as declarations. By the same token, the explaining of the motives of actions in the case of refugees usually takes into account the broad cultural context, while in the case of other categories of research subjects this context is not embodied yet their actions are being evaluated. The second asymmetry pertains to the explanation of the failure of the adaptation processes, which is not matched by a similar one as far as success stories are concerned. Eventually, the third asymmetry consists of differentiated attitudes with regard to the nongovernmental organizations and the state agencies. It is often the case that non-governmental organizations are a priori positively evaluated, while state agencies negatively. The paper also considers another often encountered conceptual cliché which describes the centers for refugees as a total institution. The empirical material under analysis shows that these do not fit Erving Goffman's definition of this phenomenon. ; Mikołaj Pawlak

The aim of article is to answer the questions: what is the public perception of the terms 'refugee' and 'migrant'? as well as In the light of opinion polls, are these terms equivalent or do they have a different connotation (linguistic content) and denotation (scope)? The starting point for the analysis is the identification of the dictionary-encyclopaedic, statistical and formal-legal meanings of these names. The analysis presented in the article is based on the results of the public opinion research "Social perception of refugees from Ukraine, migrants and actions taken by the Polish state", which was carried out between 2022 and 2023 by the research LAB managed by the author. In order to holistically reconstruct the social perception of 'refugees' and 'migrants', the author developed a multidimensional indicator (index), which he called the Social Perception of Migrants Index (SPMI). The result of the analysis is the identification of the constitutive features of the names 'refugee' and 'migrant' as well as their denotation. The author also proposes to introduce a new concept concerning the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border and the refugee crisis on the Polish-Ukrainian border, which he called a 'hybrid humanitarian crisis'.