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The Federal Republic of Germany has developed a model of integration and assimilation of refugees and economic migrants, which for decades was a model for other European countries and the European Union (EU ). This was possible thanks to the consensus between the main political forces in the country, which, despite the natural alternation of power, do not undermine the main objectives of both foreign policy as well as internal, including the approach to immigrants. The situation changed after 2011 and the events in North Africa, known as the Arab Spring, the consequence of which was a massive influx of refugees and immigrants to Germany. This article examines the position of the main political parties in relation to the refugee crisis. ; Republika Federalna Niemiec (RFN) wypracowała model integracji i asymilacji uchodźców i imigrantów zarobkowych, który przez dziesięciolecia stanowił wzór dla innych państw europejskich i Unii Europejskiej (UE ). Było to możliwe dzięki konsensusowi pomiędzy głównymi siłami politycznymi w kraju, które, mimo naturalnej alternacji władzy, nie podważały głównych założeń zarówno polityki zagranicznej, jak też wewnętrznej, w tym kwestii podejścia do imigrantów. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po 2011 r. i wydarzeniach w Afryce Północnej, zwanych arabską wiosną, których konsekwencją stał się masowy napływ uchodźców i imigrantów do Niemiec. W artykule przeanalizowane zostaną stanowiska głównych partii politycznych w odniesieniu do kryzysu uchodźczego.

The article offers an overview of the European and Polish refugee policy before the so called refugee crisis of 2015 and the reactions to what has been defined as a critical situation . Prior to 2015 refugee policy has been carried out in the sphere of public ignorance and has not been an issue of public debate. In Poland this promoted the technocratic management and implementation of the EU policy. Stepping of the issue out of the shadows and the ensuing interest of public opinion resulted in the construction of exile as a social problem that calls for urgent policy making efforts. The dominant framing of its subject matter for the emergent Polish refugee policy has been security, while humanitarian concerns has been backgrounded. Stepping out of the ignorance sphere facilitated active reform, yet it also made some policy subject matter features to fall into the sphere of ignorance. ; Narodowe Centrum Nauki

The article analyzes the European Union's policy towards refugees and asylum seekers, focusing primarily on 2014–2016. The author shows that a key role in the crisis related to refugees played by Germany, accepting on its territory without any preconditions thousands of people. In connection with the difficulties that have occurred for this reason, Germany tried to impose mandatory allocation of refugees on the individual Member States of the European Union, which has triggered an internal crisis in the organization. Only through cooperation with Turkey refugee crisis it was brought under control, but the European Union needs a strong policy in this regard, because the old solutions existing solutions do not appear. ; Artykuł analizuje politykę Unii Europejskiej wobec uchodźców i azylantów, koncentrując się przede wszystkim na latach 2014–2016. Autor pokazuje, że kluczową rolę w kryzysie związanym z uchodźcami odegrali Niemcy, przyjmując na swoje terytorium bez żadnych warunków wstępnych tysiące ludzi. W związku z trudnościami, które wystąpiły z tego powodu, Niemcy próbowały narzucić przymusowy podział uchodźców na poszczególne państwa Unii Europejskiej, co wywołało wewnętrzny kryzys w tej organizacji. Dopiero dzięki współpracy z Turcją kryzys uchodźczy udało się opanować, ale Unia Europejska potrzebuje zdecydowanej polityki w tym zakresie, bo dotychczasowe rozwiązania nie zdają egzaminu.

Artykuł analizuje politykę Unii Europejskiej wobec uchodźców i azylantów, koncentrując się przede wszystkim na latach 2014–2016. Autor pokazuje, że kluczową rolę w kryzysie związanym z uchodźcami odegrali Niemcy, przyjmując na swoje terytorium bez żadnych warunków wstępnych tysiące ludzi. W związku z trudnościami, które wystąpiły z tego powodu, Niemcy próbowały narzucić przymusowy podział uchodźców na poszczególne państwa Unii Europejskiej, co wywołało wewnętrzny kryzys w tej organizacji. Dopiero dzięki współpracy z Turcją kryzys uchodźczy udało się opanować, ale Unia Europejska potrzebuje zdecydowanej polityki w tym zakresie, bo dotychczasowe rozwiązania nie zdają egzaminu. ; The article analyzes the European Union's policy towards refugees and asylum seekers, focusing primarily on 2014–2016. The author shows that a key role in the crisis related to refugees played by Germany, accepting on its territory without any preconditions thousands of people. In connection with the difficulties that have occurred for this reason, Germany tried to impose mandatory allocation of refugees on the individual Member States of the European Union, which has triggered an internal crisis in the organization. Only through cooperation with Turkey refugee crisis it was brought under control, but the European Union needs a strong policy in this regard, because the old solutions existing solutions do not appear.

Socio-economic conditions of refugees' settlement in Bulgaria in the 1920s.The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups. ; The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups.

Globally, it is worth stressing that international law, European law and national laws must fulfill the same standards, considering the human rights laws. Since the end of the Second World War, the sphere of international human rights law, including the set of rights of human beings, increased tremendously. In the sphere of human rights, the set of refugees' rights is one of the most important. On the other hand, the sphere of human rights since September 11 had to face the problems of security on a global scale. Today, security impacts the governments, international organizations, NGOs as well as human beings. Let us say that security influences both local and global policy. From this point of view, the article analyzes an important question: Is the human rights system able to function properly with the growing lack of security both in international and regional relations? Can the European Union and its Member States afford total acceptance of international refugee rights regulations referring to African natives? The article refers to the facts from the last few years which totally changed the attitude to human rights laws. It seems that today international organizations such as the United Nations and its specialized agencies should again work on the system of human rights referring to refugees, including legal aspects of counterterrorism. The author also takes into account the necessity of cooperation between the governments in a wider scale, including mutual cooperation and legal activity. ; W opracowaniu analizie został poddany status obywatela Unii Europejskiej z punktu widzenia jego praw podmiotowych w kontekście praw uchodźców wynikających z regulacji międzynarodowych. Zasadniczym celem było określenie granicy pomiędzy prawami obywatela UE a prawami uchodźców. Opisano także wpływ Arabskiej Wiosny Ludów na problem migracji oraz związane z tym zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego państw członkowskich UE. Zasygnalizowano problemy, które pojawiają się w związku z destabilizacją sytuacji na arenie międzynarodowej w rejonie Afryki Północnej i Środkowego Wschodu, rozwojem skrajnych ruchów islamistycznych oraz efektywnym zetknięciem się warstwy jurydycznej norm ochrony praw człowieka i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego.

The paper analyzes publications on refugees in Poland. It presents the conceptual asymmetries and clichés that might hinder the realization of the postulate that the researchers should be the translators of the worldviews of both the refugees and the members of the host society. Three types of asymmetries are being discussed. The first one concerns the unequal regard to the trustworthy and motives of informants. Many authors treat the relations given by the refugees under study as statements on facts, while the relations of other categories of informants as declarations. By the same token, the explaining of the motives of actions in the case of refugees usually takes into account the broad cultural context, while in the case of other categories of research subjects this context is not embodied yet their actions are being evaluated. The second asymmetry pertains to the explanation of the failure of the adaptation processes, which is not matched by a similar one as far as success stories are concerned. Eventually, the third asymmetry consists of differentiated attitudes with regard to the nongovernmental organizations and the state agencies. It is often the case that non-governmental organizations are a priori positively evaluated, while state agencies negatively. The paper also considers another often encountered conceptual cliché which describes the centers for refugees as a total institution. The empirical material under analysis shows that these do not fit Erving Goffman's definition of this phenomenon. ; Mikołaj Pawlak

The aim of the article is to show the relations between Turkey and the EU in the era of the migration crisis. The author focuses on the presentation of subsequent stages of cooperation between the above-mentioned parties and presents the process of concluding individual contracts. Despite numerous criticisms, mainly from the European side, cooperation between entities is continued. Thanks to the agreement signed in 2016, Turkey is continuing its efforts to provide unprecedented humanitarian assistance and support to more than 3.5 million refugees from Syria and about 365,000 refugees from other countries. At the moment, the political rank of the Turkey-EU talks has been reduced to the level of European commissioners and Turkish ministers. Turkey, mainly due to its geopolitical situation, now appears as an indispensable partner, which alone can effectively minimize the threats posed by the migration crisis. ; Celem artykułu jest ukazanie relacji pomiędzy Turcją i UE w dobie kryzysu migracyjnego. Autor skupia się na prezentacji poszczególnych etapów współpracy pomiędzy wyżej wymienionymi stronami oraz przedstawia proces zawierania poszczególnych umów. Pomimo licznych głosów krytyki, kierowanych głównie ze strony europejskiej, współpraca pomiędzy podmiotami jest kontynuowana. Dzięki porozumieniu podpisanemu w 2016 roku, Turcja wciąż podtrzymuje swoje wysiłki na rzecz zapewnienia bezprecedensowej pomocy humanitarnej i wsparcia dla ponad 3,5 mln uchodźców z Syrii oraz około 365 000 uchodźców z innych krajów. Na chwilę obecną ranga polityczna rozmów na linii Turcja–UE została obniżona do poziomu europejskich komisarzy i tureckich ministrów (Chudziak, Strachota, 2016, s. 5). Turcja, głównie dzięki swojemu położeniu geopolitycznemu, jawi się obecnie jako strategiczny partner, który jako jedyny może efektywnie zminimalizować zagrożenia, jakie niesie ze sobą kryzys migracyjny.

Nowadays, the more is being said about democracy and human rights, the more refugees there are. There are many reasons for such a situation but one of the most important ones is the fact that global powers consider their own interests inspired by geopolitics to be more important than international law, unambiguously proved by the casus of Western Sahara, whose citizens have been waiting for the referendum promised by the U.N. for 40 years now. Some of them are waiting for the settlement of the dispute under Moroccan occupation, and some in refugee camps in Algerian Sahara. The latter even organized a state in exile, Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic, whose structures were able to provide for survival – with the assistance of Algeria, the U.N. and many nother humanitarian organizations – for over 150 000 Sahara people, at the standard much higher than of other refugees living in over 100 camps globally. They are waiting patiently, they do not use terror, although Islamic fundamentalism is getting closer and closer to the centre of the Sahara and may present an alternative to the desperate ones. It is insignificant in terms of thinking about peace in that region, whether the result of the referendum will be favourable for Morocco or the independence of Western Sahara. The referendum simply should be held. It would be important not only for the entire region, mainly Morocco and Algeria, but also for France, which intervening elsewhere – very close recently – has mouth full of platitudes on democracy and human rights.3,99zł

Polityka państwa jest pochodną wielu czynników zarówno o charakterze wewnętrznym, jak i zewnętrznym. Realizowana jest poprzez odpowiednie działania w różnych dziedzinach jego funkcjonowania. Od 2015 r. nastąpiło ożywienie debaty nad kwestiami migracji, będącymi następstwem kryzysu imigracyjnego, humanitarnego, z jakim zmaga się Europa. Według danych Międzynarodowej Organizacji ds. Migracji liczba osób szukających schronienia lub lepszego życia w Europie wzrosła czterokrotnie w ciągu jednego roku. Sytuacja ta wymusiła podjęcie działań przez Unię Europejską oraz poszczególne państwa mających na celu ograniczenie skali nielegalnej imigracji. Celem artykułu jest analiza polityki migracyjnej Polski w kontekście działań podjętych przez instytucje unijne. Pierwsza część pracy zawiera rozważania teoretyczne dotyczące polityki migracyjnej. W drugiej natomiast autor przedstawił próby rozwiązania kryzysu migracyjnego przez Unię Europejską i postawę polskich rządów wobec imigrantów oraz kwestii ich relokacji. Artykuł przedstawia zmiany, jakich dokonano w polskim systemie prawno-instytucjonalnym. Podjęta analiza wskazuje, że w polityce migracyjnej, mającej w znacznej mierze charakter reakcyjny, naczelną wartością jest bezpieczeństwo. ; The state policy is a derivative of many factors, both internal and external. It is implemented through appropriate activities in various fields of its functioning. From 2015, there has been a revival of the debate over migration issues that are the result of the humanitarian crisis that Europe has been struggling with. According to data from the International Organization for Migration, the number of people seeking a refuge or a better life in Europe has increased fourfold in one year. This situation has forced action by the European Union and individual states aimed at limiting the scale of illegal immigration. The aim of the article is to analyze Poland's migration policy in the context of actions taken by EU institutions. The first part of the work contains theoretical considerations ...

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article compares migration and asylum policies of Poland and Germany with particular attention paid to the events of 2015. Although matters of migration policy do not cause disagreements in bilateral relations, the issue of refugees is potentially controversial. It is not, however, purely a matter of bilateral relations between Poland and Germany, but also those with European Union itself, whose responses to the crisis have been delayed and not very effective. The humanitarian crisis has now become a structural crisis and the solutions proposed by the Commission do not promise to be successful. Moreover, the agreement with Turkey so far has fallen short of expectations.

The purpose of the article is to examine the initial reactions of the Polish opinion-forming weeklies to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The selection of titles includes examples from the conservative, centrist and liberal press. Assuming the constructivist notion of reality as discursively constructed, the author, using unstructured qualitative content analysis, strives to answer the following main research questions: How is Polish and Ukrainian society pictured in press materials? Which values are believed to be core for Poles helping Ukrainian refugees, for Polish, Ukrainian and European elites, and for Ukrainian society? Which of them are compromised by internal and external enemies? The author concludes that despite all the ideological differences between the examined weeklies, the general thematic and interpretation frames are very similar. Among them: 'Poland helps Ukraine and does it efficiently', 'refugees from Ukraine deserve our help and compassion', 'Ukrainian society is extraordinarily united and patriotic', 'there are 'Putin's allies among the Polish and European elites and they should be revealed and neutralized', 'Poland (and/or Europe) have to change in order to survive'. The main differences are in who is considered to be 'Putin's ally', and what values should be pursued in order to survive the threat. ; Celem artykułu jest zbadanie pierwszych reakcji polskich tygodników opinii na rosyjską inwazję na Ukrainę. Wybór obejmuje tytuły konserwatywne, centrowe i liberalne. Opierając się na konstruktywistycznym pojmowaniu rzeczywistości jako dyskursywnie konstruowanej, autor, stosując jakościową, nieustrukturyzowaną analizę treści, stara się odpowiedzieć na następujące główne pytania badawcze: jak w materiałach prasowych przedstawiane jest polskie i ukraińskie społeczeństwo? jakie wartości przedstawiane są jako fundamentalne dla Polaków pomagających ukraińskim uchodźcom, dla polskich, ukraińskich i europejskich elit oraz dla społeczeństwa ukraińskiego? które z nich są zagrożone przez wrogów wewnętrznych ...

The author analyzing in his article following problems: Conditioning of security for the Western system; Western countries in the global environment in the demographic-economic dimension; Urban centers in the Global South and they influence on western strength; Poland in Europe and in the Western System; Strength or Demise of European multiculturalism. As the European people are in the process of aging, the Old Continent need immigrants, but it must repair the damage that disengagement has brought about. Europe needs a renewal of the civic society based on the proper politics of assimilation and multiculturalism stemming from the tendency to institutionalize. However, the situation now is very difficult as the result of aggressive act of the Islamic State and the wave of immigrants, not only refugees. The main task of this paper is to explain the currently situation without providing any recommendations. ; The author analyzing in his article following problems: Conditioning of security for the Western system; Western countries in the global environment in the demographic-economic dimension; Urban centers in the Global South and they influence on western strength; Poland in Europe and in the Western System; Strength or Demise of European multiculturalism. As the European people are in the process of aging, the Old Continent need immigrants, but it must repair the damage that disengagement has brought about. Europe needs a renewal of the civic society based on the proper politics of assimilation and multiculturalism stemming from the tendency to institutionalize. However, the situation now is very difficult as the result of aggressive act of the Islamic State and the wave of immigrants, not only refugees. The main task of this paper is to explain the currently situation without providing any recommendations.

Functioning of the Visegrad Group since its beginning was not an easy issue. V4 was established to integrate East-Central European countries into Euro-Atlantic structures in the atmosphere of cooperation. However, it was a partnership o f countries which in many cases guided by different interests. From the beginning, there was no sympathy inside the Group, but over time it changed. Since joining into the European Union in this cooperation experienced moments of common mobilizing such as: a struggle under the EU Cohesion Policy, the fight for the Union budgets, and the last one position against the welcome of refugees arriving to Europe. It should be noted that properly develop cooperation of Visegrad Group at the elementary level in areas such as: environmental protection, infrastructure, transport and energy projects and tourism. An important new motivation to this cooperation is founded in 2016 EU Battle Group of the Visegrad Group with almost 4 thousand soldiers.

The European Union is facing numerous internal and external crises which may affect its future operations. The crises may undermine the present integration model. They may even result in the EU's considerable transformation and exert impact upon its international position. The crises stem from member states' vast differences of opinion on methods for dealing with the internal and external challenges. The most critical of the challenges include the Eurozone crisis, attitude towards refugees and migrants from the Near East and Africa, and diverse approaches towards Russia in connection with the annexation of Crimea and with the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. They all illustrate a deep rift not only among member states but also within individual countries of the EU. ; Unia Europejska boryka się z licznymi kryzysami o charakterze wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym, które mogą wpłynąć na jej funkcjonowanie w przyszłości. Ich skutki mogą podważyć obecny model integracji i doprowadzić nawet do znaczącej transformacji UE oraz wpłynąć na jej międzynarodową pozycję. U podstaw obecnych kryzysów leżą poważne różnice zdań pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi co do radzenia sobie z wyzwaniami tak wewnętrznymi, jak i zewnętrznymi stojącymi przed Unią Europejską. Do najważniejszych można zaliczyć kryzys w strefie euro, stosunek do uchodźców i migrantów z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki oraz zróżnicowane podejście do Rosji w związku z aneksją Krymu i konfliktem we wschodniej Ukrainie. Wszystkie one są ilustracją głębokich podziałów nie tylko pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi, ale również w ramach poszczególnych państw.