Suchergebnisse

This article aims to present the Ukrainian war refugees' experience. Twenty-one interviews focused on autobiographical memoirs of Ukrainian war refugees were collected during the field research project in Poland and Germany in the summer and autumn of 2022. The text aimed to point out the peculiarities of Ukrainian refugeeism in the context of its specificity related to the evolution of the phenomenon of migration and forced migration over recent years in Central Europe. The content was analyzed for the fleeing and adaptive context of personal experience. It considers social ties, including family ties, which appeared in the interviewees' statements. The studied material insights into the course of the war in Ukraine in 2022 from the perspective of civilians. It shows numerous and diverse examples of survival and adaptation activities under armed attacks, during the evacuation, border crossing, and anchoring in the places of their new residence. Due to the dominance of women in the sample, these examples can contribute to the analysis of the specificity of female migration, which differs from the previous profiles of economic migration in the region.

The Greek Civil War of 1946-1949 divided the Greek society into allies of the monarchy and supporters of the Communist Party of the Greece-led Transitional Democratic Government of Free Greece. The military arm of the leftist center was the Democratic Army of Greece. Until some time, the communist forces were actively supported by the countries of the Eastern Bloc: Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and Romania. However, the Stalin-Tito conflict, which intensified from 1948 onwards, contributed to the defeat of the Democratic Army of Greece, caused by the overwhelming military advantage of the monarchist forces. In mid-1949, a decision was made to evacuate partisan units and the civilian population that had been under their control to Albania. Also, Poland, a country that suffered greatly as a result of World War II, helped Greece. First, by providing food, military and medical equipment, and later by accepting over 13,000 children and adults, fighters and civilians from the areas covered by the war, all terribly tired of war and wandering. The group of migrants was organized from scratch, provided medical and social care, work, education, and access to culture. Migrations of people in search of shelter from conflicts, persecution, and poverty are not only a contemporary problem of the European Union. This article presents the reforms initiated by the government of the Polish People's Republic as a result of the escalation of the crisis in the Balkans. In Poland refugees from Greece found completely new living, civilization, cultural, geographical, and economic conditions. Gradually, they managed to settle in this foreign country. Today many of them are grateful to Poland for their help.

The aim of article is to answer the questions: what is the public perception of the terms 'refugee' and 'migrant'? as well as In the light of opinion polls, are these terms equivalent or do they have a different connotation (linguistic content) and denotation (scope)? The starting point for the analysis is the identification of the dictionary-encyclopaedic, statistical and formal-legal meanings of these names. The analysis presented in the article is based on the results of the public opinion research "Social perception of refugees from Ukraine, migrants and actions taken by the Polish state", which was carried out between 2022 and 2023 by the research LAB managed by the author. In order to holistically reconstruct the social perception of 'refugees' and 'migrants', the author developed a multidimensional indicator (index), which he called the Social Perception of Migrants Index (SPMI). The result of the analysis is the identification of the constitutive features of the names 'refugee' and 'migrant' as well as their denotation. The author also proposes to introduce a new concept concerning the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border and the refugee crisis on the Polish-Ukrainian border, which he called a 'hybrid humanitarian crisis'.

The purpose of the article is to indicate the variability of the image of a refugee and a migrant in Poland. The change of image is directly related to the intensity of media coverage and specific conditions resulting from the international and current situation in a given country. In the case of Poland, we have several examples in which the image in the context changed from a refugee to a migrant, from a positive perception to a negative perception of specific national groups, but reverse processes were observed, from the image of a labour migrant to a refugee. The article has been divided into three parts. The first concerns the change in the image of Chechens, the second is related to the crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border in 2021, while the third concerns the change in the image of Ukrainians after the outbreak of war in 2022. The article was based on the analysis of existing data, surveys of the Public Opinion Research Center after 1989.

The military operations conducted by Russia since February 2022 are deepening the material and humanitarian catastrophe in Ukraine every day. As a result, they also caused a wave of refugees to neighboring countries, including Poland. Most of the refugees, right after crossing the border, ended up in the so-called central reception points. Their organization and operation were unprecedented. From both an administrative and social point of view, we are dealing with a completely new phenomenon. Reception points are hybrid institutions created as a result of administrative decisions, but their functioning in Poland would be difficult to imagine without the social involvement of citizens, i.e. without countless support initiatives that created a powerful social movement. The article presented here is a summary of a field study conducted in April 2022. Its subject was the functioning of reception points in their institutional and civic dimension; their specific and nodal nature, which attracted the social movement to help refugees; the dynamics of attitudes and motivations of the parties involved in their functioning, as well as the cooperation of various social actors in this area.

In the 2018–2022 (2023) term of office of local government bodies, numerous cases of transferring problems generated by national policy to local governments can be indicated. The commune self-government, being the entity closest to the citizens in terms of handling most matters, experiences the effects of actions taken at the level of systemic and national regulations, as well as being the object of specific actions initiated at the central level. Among the numerous challenges in which the local government plays a stabilizing role in the state, taking over responsibility for solving problems in emergency situations, it is worth paying attention to the activities related to helping refugees after the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The decision of the Polish government to open borders to millions of refugees was not preceded by proper preparation. The assumption of this analysis is based on the claim that without bottom-up activation of the local government and its organizational units as well as inhabitants of communes, accepting the largest number of refugees in the history of Poland could have caused the paralysis of the state and a humanitarian crisis. The main question is whether we can talk about the success of the government or the local government in this matter.

One of the consequences of the influx of refugees and immigrants to the European continent is the rise of anti-immigration sentiments. These translate, among other things, into the emergence of anti-immigrant social movements. The subject of consideration will be their activity in our country. They have intensified due to the immigration crisis, which has been de facto unnoticeable in Poland so far. In contrast, now, when Poland is facing an unprecedented influx of refugees and immigrants from Ukraine, anti-immigrant movements are of marginal significance. The study will show anti-immigration movements in Poland from the pe rspective of selected theories from the social sciences. Then, the factors influencing the development of this type of social activity in Poland will be discussed. The last part will present the previous activity of anti-immigration movements in our country. The central hypothesis is based on the assumption that factors potentially conducive to developing anti-immigrant movements have emerged in Poland. They took the form of an influx of immigrants and refugees on a previously unprecedented scale and under the conditions of watershed moments, including the migration crisis in Europe, the COVID-19 pandemic, the immigration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border, the war in Ukraine and the deteriorating economic situation. On the other hand, a group of factors led by the political situation, which has so far effectively limited the growth of these movements on a broader scale, has emerged.

This book explores the issue of environmentally-induced migrations from the point of view of international human rights law, international humanitarian law, international refugee law and international law of statelessness. Last few years have become a period of unprecedented growth in the number of studies devoted to the forced migration caused by climate change. The book by professor Jane McAdam, published by Oxford University Press, differs significantly from previous studies in this area. The focus of the author became a state responsibility for the situation of climate-change induced displaced people with a particular focus on legal aspects of this problem. The basis of the author`s considerations are four particular areas of public international law: international human rights law, international humanitarian law, international refugee law and international law of statelessness. The issue of climate change-induced displacement is now becoming a growing challenge for public international law. The growing number of climate change migrants becomes a challenge for the international istitutions dealing with humanitarian assistance. Sea level rise become a factor of specific legal problems, such as climatic deterritorialization of the state, state succession on the new territory, the status of people forced to leave their country submerged under the waters of ocean (forced migrants?, refugees?, stateless people?, citizens of the former country continuing its status within a new territory?).

The European Union has experienced major crises of massive influx of third-country nationals across its external borders in the last decade alone. The first of these, known as "the peak migration crisis", took place in 2015, while the second, incomparably larger one in 2022 pretends to be "the peak refugee crisis". Undoubtedly, both have had an unprecedented impact on the crossing of EU borders and, at the same time, have significantly affected the functioning of the "area without borders". However, such significant crises have caused a great degree of terminological confusion, concerning the terms refugee and migrant. In addition, the scale of the influx of Ukrainian citizens into the European Union has surpassed any previous numbers that were described as a crisis and which the EU has ever tried to deal with. The aim of this article is to provide a trial of comparative analysis of these phenomena in the context of their impact on the functioning of the "area without borders".

The aim of the publication is a comparative analysis of the migration crisis of 2015 and 2022, with particular emphasis on refugee policy in Turkey and Poland and in the broadly understood context of the European Union. Embedded in the interdisciplinary field of European Studies, the article is based on the assumption that the dynamics and scale of migration flows in 2022 distinguish this crisis from the events of 2015, and the neighborly location of Ukraine influenced a different assessment of the situation than it was in the case of conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa or the Middle East. The cultural and ethnic proximity of Ukrainians has played a key role and is reflected in EU legislation regulating their status as displaced persons. The conclusions highlight the trend in Turkey and EU countries to renationalise refugee protection measures, the temporary nature of which is becoming a common standard. The research is based on the legal-dogmatic method, institutional analysis, comparative method and discourse analysis, using appropriate research techniques.

This article focuses on the solidarity of EU member states with the so-called "front" country, Greece, which found itself during the migration crisis in 2015 and in the following years on the most burdened East-Mediterranean route, i.e. the route by sea from Turkey to Greece and onwards to various European Union countries. Refugees from Syria but also from Iraq and
Afghanistan continue to arrive along this route. The destinations for boats carrying immigrants and refugees via Turkey to Greece are the islands in the Aegean Sea including the island of Lesbos whereon the infamous Moria camp still plays a special role. The island which hosts Moria is the subject of European solidarity research with Greece. The structure of this article consists of three parts. The fi rst discusses the principle of solidarity which, like any community, lies at the heart of the European Union. Part Two deals with the migration crisis and its challenges regarding the solidarity of EU Member States from Greece. The third part focuses on the humanitarian consequences of the lack of solidarity between EU member states and Greece. The source material is scientifi c publications on the EU, information from EU portals and press agencies and their recordings of developments in Greece related to the infl ux of immigrants along the Eastern Mediterranean route along with the author's own observations
of the Moria camp during a visit at the end of November 2019. This article also partly refers to the new humanitarian challenges arising in the context of the situation of immigrants on their way to Europe during the Coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19).

Russia's aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 caused Europe's largest influx of war refugees to the European Union after World War II. This is unprecedented in many aspects, covering primarily the Central and Eastern Europe, which historically have been countries of emigration rather than migration. Against this background, grassroots initiatives and civic actions taken in Poland, local government bodies, state authorities, as well as the Catholic Church are considered. The key challenges and problems in supporting migrants from Ukraine are interpreted in terms of the theory of resource mobilization and the concept of "new social movements".

The article examines if Poland can, in accordance with international law, effectively combat pressure on the border with a country de facto supporting an aggressor. Analysis of, among others, the Geneva Refugee Convention, EU law, the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and jurisprudence validate previous findings that right to life and prohibition of torture are non-derogable, permitting to protect borders and fight with terrorism. National procedures are challenged by a need to individualize decisions refusing entry and denying protection. Still, this does not justify violating human rights.