Suchergebnisse

This article applies classical typologies of totalitarian & authoritarian regimes by Zbigniew Brzezinski, Carl Friedrich & Juan Linz to the case of the first Slovak Republic (Slovak State). Its political regime between 1935/1939 & summer 1940 can be classified as organic statism. Organic structures (corporativist structures) & the antiliberal & anticapitalist rhetoric of the Catholic Church in encyclicals like the Rerum Novarum were typical of this type of authoritarian regime. Nevertheless, the Nazi pressure led to the transition of the regime to the "defective" (or "arrested") totalitarian regime, which is, according to Linz's typology, in the "grey" zone between totalitarian & authoritarian regimes. The defeats of the German army & changes inside Slovak's camp resulted in the erosion of the regime base at the end of 1942 & brought about yet another regime change. The end of the stage of "unclear" authoritarian regime was marked by the armed insurrection in August 1944. The totalitarian episode, in which the main role was played by the German occupation forces, characterized the last months of war. 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article compares the formal institutionalization of socio-economic (industrial) relations in Poland and the Czech Republic in the period following their regime changes in 1989. Thus it investigates the validity of the transformation theory assumption, that the way of regime failure (type of transition) influences the forthcoming political processes. It is demonstrated that both countries arrived at the constitution of a tripartite structure, but through different paths. It is argued that the most important factor that shaped the development of institutionalized socio-economic relations in Poland and the Czech Republic is the path-dependent way of regime failure, which determined the position (form, capacities, as well as relative importance) of the relevant actors (the trade unions, the employers' organizations, and the state). Adapted from the source document.

This article intends to present a thorough analysis of the development of the Civic Democratic Party from the beginnings of its existence until 1998 -- i.e. the year which can be seen as the breaking point in its history. The main proposition is that the Civic Democratic Party has emerged as the representative of the most widespread tendencies & opinions established within Civic Forum & accordingly should be seen as the major expression of initial political visions, which were increasingly predominant in the first months after the regime change in 1989. Consequently, the article elaborates to a much detailed degree further developments within the Civic Democratic Party & its position within the party system -- here, the underlying intention is to contribute to a deeper understanding of the behaviour & actions taken by the Civic Democratic Party & its leadership, thus making it possible to explain the logic of its position within the party system & of many particular events, in various ways related to the Civic Democratic Party, throughout the period in question. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The origin of the apartheid regime was based on the Calvinist idea of Afrikaners being "the nation privileged by God." This idea had resulted in sharp discrimination of the African population since the 1850's. This political process was even more strengthened during the Nationalist Party (NP) period of government after the 1948 elections. Afrikaner nationalism reached its peak in May 1961 with the unilateral declaration of an independent South African Republic. But the apartheid regime entered into a period of deep crisis at the end of the 70's, and the fragile status quo started to become untenable. The new Prime Minister PW Botha initiated a reform process, which was refused by conservative members. They withdrew from the NP and formed the Conservative Party (CP). Its strongly nationalistic rhetoric was caused by the increasing activity of black organizations, and was reflected in the results of the 1987 elections when it became the strongest opposition party with 30% of the votes. Nevertheless, the reform process continued. The new president FW de Klerk legalized the black organizations, released political prisoners, and arranged the national referendum in which white voters decided to end the apartheid regime. Together with the consecutive loss of influential positions in the army and the death of the CP's leader, it substantially weakened the position of the Afrikaner conservative right wing. Finally, one section of the right wing decided to terminate the boycott of negotiations and to participate in the forthcoming elections. The only Afrikaner party was called the Freedom Front (FF), but it gained only 2% of the votes. The peaceful course during and after the elections weakened the conservatives even further. In the elections of 1999 and 2004, the FF didn't exceed even 1% of votes and is now a marginalized political party. Some militarized illegal organizations still exist in South Africa, but the government has been successful in eliminating these groups. Afrikaner nationalism still exists, but due to the evolution of the political situation it is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.

After the fall of communist regimes at the turn of the 1990s, a new era of development began in many countries. The transformation from communism wasn't always successful. It is this unfinished transformation which is, as many authors argue, one of the characteristics of post-communism. Post-communist political culture struggles with a number of problems originating in the institutional structure of collapsed regimes. One of them is the high level of corruption. Corruption is not, of course, specific only to post-communist countries. However, as statistical data provided by various organizations show, corruption flourishes in these countries. Moreover, post-communist corruption takes certain forms which are absent in other countries. We may, therefore, classify these forms as the institutional and cultural heritage of communist regimes. The goal of this paper is to introduce the nature of corruption and the causes behind the high level of corruption in post-communist countries; to identify changes which have taken place since the demise of communist regimes; and to present some of the measures employed to fight corruption, as well as the difficulties related to these measures.

Empirical research on the differences between unit values in the EU's trade with the Czech Republic & the intra-EU average has shown a significant changes. The comparative level of manufacturing products imported from the Czech republic has increased, the comparative level of products exported to the Czech republic has decreased. The price-gaps, inherited from the communist regime have been substantially reduced. Most remarkable changes of the comparative prices took place in trade with products of metalworking industries. The favorable development of price relations in the Czech foreign trade has been an important element underlying balance of payments performance, it has contributed to the nominal & real improvements of Czech krown & should play an important role in the process of convergence. The analysis is based on Eurostat Comext Database. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyses the Europeanisation of election manifestos of major relevant political parties in the Slovak Republic between 1994 and 2010. The changes are examined by means of the two-dimensional concept distinguishing the quantitative and qualitative dimensions of Europeanization; and Europeanisation in manifestos is interpreted as a result of European integration. The authors conclude that the process of the Europeanisation of political parties began a little later in Slovakia in comparison to some of the countries which became democratized slightly earlier (e.g. the Czech Republic). A different pace of democratization, experience with Mečiar's hybrid regime, and the multi-dimensional party system seem to be the main reasons for the "backwardness" of Slovak political parties' manifestoes.

The evolution of Czech sociology, from its outset up until the present time, has had four lasting features: a tendency to put too much emphasis on personal grudges, a deep interest in the serious problems of the time, an ability for forming well-grounded statements on contemporary issues, & a natural plurality of opinions. These features are evident still in contemporary Czech sociology. In the postcommunist period, Czech sociology managed to come to terms with some of the more shadowy aspects of its past (cooperation with the regime) without any personal conflicts & was able to relatively quickly fill in the information gap in relationship to Western sociology. Several alternative interpretations of the transformation processes were formulated, & some neglected subject areas were cultivated. Impulses stemming from globalization are accepted in a critical & relatively reasonable manner, but there is a tangible lack of study devoted to cultural processes & the influence of mass media on society. Czech sociology has thus come to terms with the trauma that accompanies every fundamental social change, & has done so in a rational & practical manner.

In this paper we discuss the issue of the choice of exchange rate regimes in transitive economies and the effect of exchange rate policy on the development of macroeconomic indicators (e.g. the average growth rate of real GDP in domestic currency and the development of domestic inflation). It is obvious that exchange rate policy is not a passive factor, at least in the medium term. Our analysis indicates that the fixed foreign exchange rate arrangements policy does not necessarily mean stability of the foreign exchange rates. Neither percentage exchange rate changes of fixed rates, nor their volatility measured by the standard deviation are lower than the average change is over the examined period. Our analysis indicates also that the inflation rate is growing in accordance with the growth of depreciation of the foreign exchange rate and the growth of its volatility measured by the standard deviation. It was cleared that the higher volatility of the effective nominal exchange rate is reflected by the lower average economic growth rate of transitive countries. Adapted from the source document.

The September 11th, terrorist attacks on the United States totally overshadowed the significant legislative changes in the field of the US sanctions policy, which went into effect in the years 2000 and 2001. Albeit these changes as such may appear insufficient at first sight, the decade of sanctions policy reform debates and disputes which preceded these changes justifies the conclusion that they are the best result possible, and far more important than any unsystematic shifts in the regime of imposing economic sanctions for foreign policy purposes made back in the 1990s. The need to reform the US sanctions policy was caused by afundamental change of the international environment brought about by the end of the Cold War. Unlike in the bipolar world, wherein universal sanctions measures were fully sufficient, it was necessary after the end of the Cold War to react to numerous and varied threats to US foreign policy interests. This was done by laws "tailored" for the sanctioned country. The attempt to reform US sanctions policy in the 1990s revealed infull the rivalry between the legislative and executive powers, both of which wanted to preserve the decisive influence upon administrating sanctions and making decisions about them. It was undoubtedly the legislative power the Congress -- which emerged strengthened from the decade of rivalry. The last major factor reemerging in the sanctions policy reform debate and disputes was the issue of extraterritorial effects of some us laws. The extraterritoriality of us legislation caused a backlash in the world, which the US administration could not simply ignore. Yet the United States will probably not give up this powerful tool for forced multilateralization of its unilateral sanctions since this tool enables the US to avoid protracted and uncertain promotion of its interests in the form of multilateral sanctions negotiated by traditional diplomatic means. Adapted from the source document.

A specifi c feature of Czech women today, who are timing the motherhood or staying childless after thirty, stems from their socialisation in a different political and demographical regime than they were in at the start of their reproductive period. The changes connected with the transformation of Czech society after 1989 affected their life courses. Instead of following the demographic behaviour of their mothers why do these women postpone motherhood to a later age or remain childless? What do the life courses and reproductive strategies of contemporary women over thirty look like? The qualitative research discussed in this article is based on in-depth interviews with primaparas over thirty and their childless peers conducted in order to examine the dynamics and character of their decision to become a mother. The research applied grounded theory and identifi ed fi ve different types of reproductive strategies: 'to have a child no matter what', 'to have a child with the right partner', 'waiting for the right time', 'hesitating over whether to have a child or not', 'not having a child'. Consequently the specific sources of these strategies were described. Background family experiences combined with the experiences from the period of childlessness in adulthood can lead to the development of an 'individualised habitus', which can block the transition to the motherhood phase. In the Czech context the development of an individualised habitus can be strengthened by the unequal distribution of gender roles in the family of origin as well as in partnerships in adulthood.