Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.
Ovaj rad je treći nastavak geografske studije o Boki kotorskoj (u daljem tekstu: Boka). U prvom radu (Crkvenčić, I.; Schaller, A., 2005) prikazane su društveno-političke promjene i razvoj etničkog sastava Boke do 1918. g., a u drugome etnički sastav Boke u razdoblju austrijske uprave 1814.-1918. g. (Crkvenčić, I.; Schaller, A. 2006). U ovom, tre¬ćem radu analiziraju se promjene etničkog sastava Boke nakon razdoblja austrijske uprave, s posebnim osvrtom na drastičan pad broja Hrvata. Razumljivo je, stoga, da ova analiza započinje prikazom strukture etničkog sastava Boke pred kraj austrijske uprave, i to na temelju podataka posljednjeg austrijskog popisa 1910. g. Nakon toga slijedi analitički osvrt na promjene etničkog sastava prostora Boke, koje proizlaze iz podataka popisa stanovništva u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije (1918.-1941. g.) i federalne Jugoslavije (1945.-1991. g.). Prikaz završava analizom popisa stanovništva Crne Gore 2003. g., naslovljenom «Hrvati u etničkom sastavu Boke - odumiranje bokeljskih Hrvata». ; The paper is the third part of the geographic essay on the area of Boka kotorska (the Bay of Kotor). In the firstpart,theauthors(Crkvenčić, I.; Schaller, A., 2005) describe social and political changes in Boka kotorska and development of ethnic structure of the area until 1918. The subject of the second part of the essay (Crkvenčić, I.; Schaller, A., 2006) is ethnic structure of Boka kotorska in the period of Austrian rule (1814-1918). Finally, in this, third part, the changes of ethnic structure of Boka kotorska since the fall of Austrian regime onward are analysed. In the focus of the analysis is the phenomenon of a huge decrease of Croatian population in Boka kotorska. The explanation of ethnic development in the area begins with analysis of data obtained from the last Austrian census in 1910. There are two periods considered in the paper: (1) development of ethnic composition in the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1918-1941), and (2) ethnic features of the population of Boka kotorska in the period of federal Yugoslavia (1945-1991). In addition, the analysis of data by Montenegrin census in 2003 is made in the chapter titled «Croats in ethnic structure of Boka kotorska – the dying away of Croatian population in Boka kotorska».
Klimatske promjene su jedan od najvećih izazova za postizanje ciljeva održivog razvoja. Formiranje odgovarajućih institucionalnih okvira za upravljanje klimatskim promjenama, koji uključuju i koordiniraju brojne interese i aktivnosti različitih aktera, razina i sektora, problem je i za zemlje jugoistočne Europe. Bosna i Hercegovina (BiH), Hrvatska, Slovenija i Srbija imaju značajne prirodne resurse koji su bili ugroženi proteklih godina zbog prirodnih katastrofa, što je utjecalo i na sektor šumarstva. Cilj rada je proučiti institucionalne okvire u šumarstvu i zaštiti prirode, kao i stavove ispitanika o kompetencijama relevantnih institucija i organizacija, identificirati potrebe za poboljšanjem postojećeg okvira i ocijeniti njihove interese i utjecaje u procesu upravljanja klimatskim promjenama. Prikupljanje podataka provedeno je korištenjem intervjua, u razdoblju od studenog 2016. do travnja 2017. godine. Protokol za intervju sastojao se od 22 pitanja podijeljenih u pet skupina. U svrhu ovoga rada analizirani su odgovori na pitanja u vezi s institucionalnim okvirima za upravljanje klimatskim promjenama u šumarstvu i zaštiti prirode. Uzorak je činilo 29 ispitanika (Federacija BiH-8, Hrvatska-6, Slovenija-5, Srbija-10), odnosno predstavnika javnih uprava i javnih službi u šumarstvu i zaštiti prirode, poduzeća i ustanova za gospodarenje državnim šumama i upravljanje zaštićenim područjima, obrazovnih i istraživačkih organizacija te organizacija civilnog sektora. Ispitanici su odabrani probnim uzorkovanjem (uzorak na bazi vrijednosnog suda). Ispitanici su bili predstavnici institucija i organizacija na nacionalnoj razini upravljanja u šumarstvu i zaštiti prirode, koji su izravno ili neizravno povezani s problematikom klimatskih promjena u odabranim oblastima. O postojećim institucionalnim okvirima, 52,4% ispitanika nema pozitivno mišljenje, a 85,7% se zalaže za njihovo unapređenje, u smislu poboljšanja suradnje i koordinacije između različitih sektora, institucija i organizacija. Značajne su razlike u procjeni interesa i utjecaja institucija i organizacija u upravljanju klimatskim promjenama među ispitanicima iz Slovenije i Hrvatske, kao i onima iz Federacije BiH i Srbije. Ispitanici iz područja zaštite prirode procjenjuju da je interes veći u odnosu na predstavnike šumarskog sektora (ispitanici iz područja zaštite prirode smatraju da je interes "veoma visok" – prosječna ocjena 4,6, a iz sektora šumarstva da je "visok" – prosječna ocjena 4,1). Potrebna su daljnja istraživanja o suradnji i koordinaciji svih sudionika na različitim razinama upravljanja, kao i drugih elemenata koji, uz institucionalne okvire, dovode do stvaranja odgovornog sustava upravljanja klimatskim promjenama i rješavanja različitih izazova klimatskih promjena. ; Global environmental and ecological problems such as climate change and other related issues (e.g. biodiversity losses) do not recognize state boundaries. Therefore, intentions to address these problems require a multi-actor, multi-sector and multilevel approach. The concept that enables joint effort against these problems implies an active participation of all stakeholders, establishes the rules for shared responsibilities and strives to make efficient and effective procedures for addressing these issues is known as "governance" (Mutabdžija, 2012).Climate change and occurance of extreme events are presenting a threat to the natural resources, exposing the vulnerabilities of current resource governance regimes, including also forestry and nature conservation. The occurance of extreme events in last several years thretened the natural resources and impacted the forestry sector in all four selected countries of Southeast Europe (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia). This has provided a further arguments for understanding the institutional framework for climate change governance in forestry and nature conservation as important element in dealing with uncertanties posed by the climate change challenges on natural resources.Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine the institutional frameworks of forestry and nature conservation, as well as the attitudes of respondents about the competences of the relevant institutions and organizations, to identify the need to improve the existing framework and to evaluate their interests and impacts in climate change governance.In this research were used individual, structured interviews as a research technique in collecting the primary data. The questionnaire consisted of 22 questions, divided into 5 groups. For the purposes of this paper, responses to questions related to institutional frameworks for climate change governance in forestry and nature conservation are analyzed. The sample consisted of 29 representatives (Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina – 8, Croatia – 6, Serbia – 10, Slovenia – 5) from public administrations and services in forestry and nature conservation, enterprises and organization for forest and protected area management, educational and research organizations, and non-governmental organizations. The respondents were selected by judgemental sampling. Current institutional framework for climate change governance comprises of various institutions and organizations in all analyzed countries (Table 1). In selected countries, there is a clear division of responsibilities between public administration institutions in forestry and nature conservation (these institutions are directly or indirectly are related to forestry). There is a number of common primary objectives within the given competencies common to the same organizational category (Table 2), in all four countries. Despite current institutional and organizational variaty and competency alignment between different institutions and organizations, there is a need for further improvement of institutional framework for climate change governance through cooperation and coordination, accross different sectors, institutions and organizations, as stated by the respondents attittudes (Table 3 and 4). Respondents attitudes towards the interest and influence of institutions/organizations on climate change governance are mostly showing a visible interest but indicating challenges in providing suitable inflluence (Table 5). Also, visible discrepancy in assessment of the interest and influence of institutions and organizations on climate change governance is between the respondents from Slovenia and Croatia at one side and respondents from Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia at the other side, indicates differences in inclusion of climate change challenges accross different competency levels. Regardless of the category of institutions and organizations, the respondents recognized the importance of the investigated issues and they assessed its interest as "high" and "very high" (Table 6).Further development of suitable institutional frameworks for climate change governance in forestry and nature conservation needs additional attention especially in the field of multilevel coordination between different actors and their activities, as well as the acknowledgment of potentially significant influence forestry sector might have in climate change governance.
Svjetski su ratovi ostavili neizbrisiv trag ne samo za svog trajanja nego i kasnije. Jedan od načina prilagodbe čestim smjenama političkih režima karakterističnih za češku kulturu i književnost upravo je humor u književnosti. U središtu su ovoga rada tri romana, proizašla iz pera poznatih čeških prozaika: Doživljaji dobrog vojnika Švejka u svjetskom ratu Jaroslava Hašeka, Dvorio sam engleskoga kralja Bohumila Hrabala i Šala Milana Kundere. Koristeći humor kao dominantan književni diskurs, pisci formiraju lik marginaliziranih (anti)junaka koji, usprkos egzistenciji u različitim povijesnim vremenima, ratuju protiv rata. Nijansiranim će postupcima ironije, crnog humora, sarkazma i groteske razoružati rat i okove (poslije)ratnih ideologija – austrijskog imperijalizma, nacizma i socijalizma, svodeći ih pod apsurd. Svevremenost pacifizma koji zagovaraju ova će djela učiniti jednako privlačnima i današnjem krugu čitatelja. ; World wars have left an indelible trace while they lasted as well as in times after them. In Czech culture and literature one of the common ways of adapting to political regime changes is using humour in literary works. The paper focuses on three novels by famous Czech novelists: The Good Soldier Švejk by Jaroslav Hašek, I Served the King of England by Bohumil Hrabal and The Joke by Milan Kundera. By using humour as dominant literary discourse, the authors created marginalised characters, (anti)heroes who, despite living at different times, disarm the war. Nuanced irony, black humour, sarcasm and grotesque reveal the true face of wars and restraints of (post)war ideologies – Austrian imperialism, Nazism and socialism by treating them as absurd. Timelessness of pacifism which these works promote makes these books appealing to readers even nowadays.
The paper examines the role of social protection and social expenditure in the financial and economic crises. Accordingly, the objective of the paper was to analyse the trends in social expenditure developments in EU countries since the beginning of the last economic crisis (2008), examine changes in the composition of social protection spending during and following the crisis, and analyse the effectiveness of social protection schemes during and following the crisis in terms of poverty rate reduction. The paper confirmed that social protection expenditure has increased in almost all EU countries since the beginning of the crisis and that in the crisis most countries rely on redistributive effects of the so-called automatic stabilizers. Social expenditure developments during and following the crisis and the effectiveness of social protection in alleviating consequences of the crisis are related to the features of social protection models (regimes). Countries with larger social sectors are coping with the crisis more successfully. Economic, financial and social crises may induce changes in the social protection system. The crisis is an opportunity for countries with low social expenditure to widen the coverage of social schemes, set up new schemes or increase the level of benefits. As inappropriate crises management models fuel poverty and unemployment, and decrease economic growth, it is important to define the role of social protection/welfare state in a crisis management strategy. Among other things, a solution is to strengthen an approach where social expenditure is seen as social investments which may revitalize the role of social protection in the economic development. ; U radu se propituje uloga socijalne zaštite i socijalnih troškova u financijskim i ekonomskim krizama. Stoga je cilj rada bio istražiti trendove vezane za izdatke socijalne zaštite od početka posljednje ekonomske krize (2008.) u zemljama EU-a, istražiti promjene u strukturi troškova socijalne zaštite u kriznom i postkriznom razdoblju te analizirati učinkovitost programa socijalne zaštite u kriznom i postkriznom razdoblju s aspekta zaštite od siromaštva. Rad potvrđuje da su gotovo sve zemlje EU-a povećale troškove socijalne zaštite od početka krize te da se većina zemalja u krizi oslanja na redistributivne učinke tzv. automatskih stabilizatora. Obrasci kretanja izdataka socijalne zaštite u krizi i postkriznom razdoblju te učinkovitost socijalne zaštite u ublažavanju negativnih učinaka krize povezani su s obilježjima pojedinih modela (režima) socijalne zaštite. Zemlje s većim socijalnim sektorom uspješnije se nose s krizom. Ekonomske, financijske i socijalne krize mogu potaći promjene u socijalnoj zaštiti. Kriza je prigoda da zemlje s nižim troškovima socijalne zaštite prošire obuhvat programa, uvedu nove programe ili povećaju visinu naknada. S obzirom da loše upravljanje krizama samo povećava siromaštvo, nezaposlenost i smanjuje ekonomski rast, važno je definirati ulogu socijalne zaštite/države u okviru strategija upravljanja krizom. Među ostalim, rješenje je u pristupu koji u socijalnim izdacima vidi socijalne investicije koje mogu revitalizirati ulogu socijalne politike u ekonomskom razvoju.
Ovom se studijom nastoje rekonstruirati osobitosti glazbene kulture u Mostaru u prvoj polovini XX. stoljeća, njezine vrste, ishodišta i značenje u kontinuitetu, s težištem na institucionalno organiziranoj glazbenoj praksi i njezinoj povezanosti sa širim društvenim kontekstom. Pristup što ga je nametnuo tako postavljeni istraživački cilj obuhvaća predstavljanje glazbene stvaranosti u okviru kulturne, ali i političke povijesti izabrana vremena, čiji je rezultat u najvećoj mjeri i bila. U polju autonomnoga, glazba do sredine XX. stoljeća gotovo da i nije postojala jer se funkcionalno povezivala s oblicima svijesti i načinima života sredine čiju su zbilju obilježile mijene režima, stranačka trvenja vlasti i vladara, gospodarske, političke i kulturološke razlike ostavivši zamjetne tragove u njezinu povijesnome hodu. Stoga se pristup glazbi kao dijelu cjelokupnoga društveno- političkog i kulturnoga života činio jedino ispravnim. Predložena građa može se promotriti kao mozaična cjelina satkana od dijelova što predočuju mjesta i oblike muziciranja, djelovanje istaknutih pjevačkih društava, amaterskih i profesionalnih glazbenih udruženja, školstva i organiziranih manifestacija preko kojih je glazba živjela u gradu Mostaru. ; This article was intended to reconstruct the peculiarities of the Mostar's musical culture in the first half of the 20th century, its species, starting points and meaning in the continuity, emphasizing the institutional organized musical practice and its connection with larger social context. The approach that was imposed by purpose of research includes the presentation of the musical reality whithin the cultural and political history of the determinated period, whose result in the larger part it was. In the field of the autonomous, music until the middle of 20.th century almost it has not existed, because it has been connecting functionally with the kindes of the conscience and living ways of the enviroment whose reality was determinated by regime changes, political party conflicts, economical, political and cultural differences leaving the significant tracks in its historical continuity. Because of that, the approach to music as the part of the entire socio-political and cultural life seemed to be the only correct one. The proposed material can be observed as the mosaic whole made of the parts presenting the localities and forms of the music practice, the activites of prominent choral societies, amateur and professional musical societies, the education and organized manifestations by which music has lived in Mostar.
Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.
Autor iznosi ključne postupke diplomacije Nezavisne Države Hrvatske: od ustrojstva ministarstva vanjskih poslova u travnju 1941. do zadnjih pokušaja spašavanja NDH u svibnju 1945. U članku su prezentirani svi relevantni događaji za diplomaciju NDH s naglaskom na najvažnije aktere u pojedinim diplomatskim akcijama. Navedeni su svi ministri vanjskih poslova koji su bili na čelu ministarstva, njihove diplomatske aktivnosti te razlozi njihove smjene ili ostavke. Članak također daje uvid u krajnju zavisnost ustaškog režima prema fašističkim saveznicama, Njemačkoj i Italiji – obrađujući odnos sa svakom od njih posebno. Učestalo mijenjanje ministara vanjskih poslova i poslanika u najvažnijim državama za NDH izraz je visoke nestabilnosti i podčinjenosti ustaškog režima okupacijskim silama. ; The author presents the key moments of the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia: from the organization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in April 1941 to the last attempts to save the Independent State of Croatia in May 1945. The article presents all relevant events for the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia with a focus on the most important participant in certain diplomatic actions. The paper lists all foreign ministers who headed the ministry, their diplomatic activities and the reasons for their dismissal or resignation. The article also provides an insight into the utmost dependence of the Ustasha regime on fascist allies, Germany and Italy. processing the relationship with each of them separately. The frequent change of foreign ministers and ambassadors in the most important states for the NDH is an expression of high instability and subordination of the Ustasha regime to the occupying forces.
Autorica daje prikaz demokratizacije Gvatemale tijekom trećeg vala te analizira promjene vlada, režima i sustava. Navodi da je početku promjene političkog sustava Gvatemale prethodila faza predautokratskih iskustava s demokracijom (1944-1954) te da je nesposobnost da okonča dugotrajni građanski rat bio jedan od ključnih razloga početka kraja autoritarnog sustava (1954-1985). Uslijedila je prolongirana tranzicija (1985-1999) koja se odvijala u četiri faze i koju je nadgledala vojska, preuzevši na taj način ulogu snažnog protudemokratskog aktera veta. U fazi konsolidacije (2000-2012) stabilizirala se defektna demokracija, u kojoj je civilni demokratski režim ne samo pod pokroviteljstvom vojske već ga ugrožavaju i kriminalne organizacije. Zaključuje da se u proteklih stotinjak godina politička situacija u Gvatemali i nije znatno poboljšala s obzirom na to da je ona od banana-države postala defektna i najnekvalitetnija demokracija Latinske Amerike. ; The author provides an outline of Guatemala's democratization during the Third Wave, and analyses turnovers of governments, regimes and systems. She argues that the beginning of the change of Guatemala's political system was preceded by a stage of pre-autocratic experiences with democracy (1944-1954), and that the inability to end the long-lasting civil war was one of the key reasons for the beginning of the end of the authoritarian system (1954-1985). What followed was a prolonged transition (1985-1999) that proceeded in four stages and was supervised by the army which, in this way, assumed the role of a strong antidemocratic veto player. In the stage of consolidation (2000-2012) a defective democracy has been stabilized, in which the civilian democratic regime is not only under the patronage of the army, but is also threatened by criminal organizations. The author concludes that during the last hundred years or so the political situation in Guatemala has not improved significantly, since it has turned from a banana republic into a defective and the most substandard democracy in Latin America.
Starenje stanovništva jedna je od najvećih strukturnih promjena koje trenutno utječu na razvoj svih europskih socijalnih država. Različite države se suočavaju s tim promjenama na različite načine. Kao odgovor na svjetsku gospodarsku krizu, mnoge su države reformirale svoje mirovinske sustave i način na koji odgovaraju na rastuće potrebe za skrbi. Te promjene znatno utječu na stavove ljudi o perspektivi socijalne države i na njihova očekivanja u budućnosti vezano uz buduću raspodjelu odgovornosti u pružanju skrbi za starije osobe. Temelj za analizu su podatci prikupljeni u poredbenom europskom projektu uz metodu korištenje demokratskih foruma. Stavove i očekivanja sudionika – kao i razloge i argumente koje su iznijeli – upotrijebili smo kako bismo rasvijetlili čimbenike koji će vjerojatno oblikovati buduće oblike skrbi za starije osobe i mjere mirovinske politike. Analizirali smo četiri države koje imaju različite socijalne režime – Norvešku, Sloveniju, Njemačku i Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo – i usredotočili se na podjelu odgovornosti između države, tržišta i obitelji, kao i na sličnosti i razlike u prioritetima i proizlazeće argumente iznesene u te četiri države. ; Population ageing is one of the biggest structural changes currently affecting the development of all European welfare states. Countries have tackled these changes in different ways. In reaction to the global economic crisis, many countries have reformed their old-age pension systems and how they address the rising care needs. These changes are bound to influence how citizens view the welfare state's prospects and what they expect from it in the future in relation to policies for the elderly. The paper explores citizens' attitudes and expectations with regard to the future division of responsibilities for the provision of welfare for the elderly. The basis for the analysis is data gathered in a comparative European project adopting coordinated democratic forums as a methodology. We use the participants' views and expectations – as well as the reasons and arguments they presented – to shed light on the factors likely to shape future elderly care and old-age pension policies. We analyse four countries – Norway, Slovenia, Germany and the UK – belonging to four different welfare regimes and focus on the division of responsibilities between the state, the market and the family and the differences and similarities in priorities and subsequent arguments put forward in the four countries.
Autori su pripremili za objavljivanje Političke uspomene Stjepana Zagorca, u kojima se taj istaknuti političar te katolički i starokatolički svećenik najviše osvrnuo na djelovanje Frana Supila. U uvodnome su dijelu analizirali Zagorčevu biografiju i kontekst u kojemu je izgradio svoju političku karijeru. Povezali su njegov politički put s ulogom Frana Supila, koji je u znatnoj mjeri pridonio promjenama u razvoju hrvatske politike na početku 20. stoljeća. Političke uspomene sagledali su kao prilog očuvanju sjećanja na Supila u javnoj memoriji međuratne Jugoslavije. ; The authors prepared the study Political Memories by Stjepan Zagorac for print. In this biography, this prominent politician and catholic / old catholic priest mostly focuses on Frano Supilo's work. In the introduction of the article, the authors analyse the biography and the context in which Zagorac built his political career. They point out his evolution (Christian socialism, being a member of various Party of Right groups and standing by the January Sixth Regime). The authors make a connection between Zagorac's political path and the role Frano Supilo played in significantly contributing to the changes in Croatian politics at the beginning of the 20th century. The memories confirm the connection between Zagorac and Supilo on the arrangement around drawing up the Rijeka Resolution, creating a Croat-Serb coalition and specific methods of communicating with Hungarian politicians. Despite the differences appearing in their relationship after 1908, they shared their opinions on using party concentrations, as well as on changing the dualistic system in the Austro- -Hungarian Monarchy which slowed down Croatia's development. The authors also saw Political memories as an opportunity to preserve more accounts about Frano Supilo in the public memory of interwar Yugoslavia.
Premda su u 20. stoljeću i druge države prolazile kroz dramatične društvene i političke promjene, i to od totalitarizma do konsolidirane demokracije, Južnoafrička Republika slučaj je za sebe. Poziciju sui generis najjužnija afrička država dobila je zbog rigorozne rasne segregacije i diskriminacije koju je režim sustavno provodio prema domicilnom stanovništvu.Vrhunac te politike bilo je uvođenje aparthejda 1950. godine, koji je uz kontinuiranu represiju i istodobnu međunarodnu izolaciju potrajao do 1990. i početka demokratske i postsegregacijske tranzicije. Nakon tri ciklusa višerasnih kompetitivnih izbora Južnoafrička Republika danas je država čiju uspješno započetu tranziciju obilježavaju relativno visok stupanj unutarnje stabilnosti i aktivna uloga u međunarodnoj zajednici, ali i potpuno novi izazovi, od side i porasta kriminala do regionalnih suparništava i opasnosti od pojave "obrnutog" rasizma. ; In the 20th century a number of countries went through dramatic social and political changes, passing from totalitarianism to consolidated democracy, but South Africa is in a league of its own. The southernmost African state has acquired a sui generis position due to the fact that its regime sistematically exercised rigorous racial segregation and discrimination against the natives. The peak of that policy was the introduction of apartheid in 1950 which was characterised by sustained repression and simultaneous international isolation. Apartheid came to an end in 1990 with the beginning of democratic and post-segregational transition. After three cycles of multirace competitive elections, South Africa is today a state whose successfully launched transition is marked by a relatively high degree of internal stability and an active role in the international community, but also by completely new challenges, such as AIDS and an increase in crime, regional rivalries and the threat of emergence of an "inverse" racism.
Bugarsko-hrvatski politički odnosi jedna su od relativno slabo istraženih tema unatoč povijesnoj, zemljopisnoj i jezičnoj bliskosti dvaju naroda. Cilj je ovoga rada istražiti veze između Bugara i Hrvata nakon početka demokratskih promjena u dvjema zemljama, od 1990. do danas, s naglaskom na njihov politički aspekt. U tom će smislu članak prikazati veze među vođama dviju zemalja, njihove bilateralne susrete, teme od zajedničkoga interesa, uzajamne inicijative, diplomatska nastojanja, postignute dogovore i geste dobre volje. Prikaz tih aktivnosti pokazuje da su bugarsko-hrvatski odnosi bili saveznički i prijateljski. U tekstu su korišteni arhivski i službeni dokumenti različitih institucija, izvori objavljeni u medijima kao i razgovori s protagonistima događaja. ; Bulgarian-Croatian political relations date back to the creation of the two states. Bulgaria and Croatia are bound by historical, geographical, linguistic, and last but not least political ties. This article examines the political relations between Bulgarians and Croats over a 25-year period – from the beginning of the democratic changes in 1990 to 2015. The analysis shows that, throughout this period, despite the ruling ideological paradigm in Sofia and Zagreb, the relations between the two countries were filled with goodwill, partnerships, mutual support, and formal and informal gestures. Such good cooperation manifested most clearly in moments of crisis for the two states – the wars in the early 1990s in former Yugoslavia, the crisis involving the Bulgarian medical workers in Libya, the recognition of Kosovo, the collapse of the Gaddafi regime, and others. The bilateral relations of these countries on the highest political level have become extremely intense after the beginning of the 21st century. The relations that developed when both countries were on the road to membership in the EU and NATO, and after both became members of these two organizations, serve to deepen the political ties between Bulgaria and Croatia.
Namjera ovoga priloga je prikazati kako i zašto su tekle promjene u vlastima Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (NDH) u Banja Luci tijekom 1941. i 1942., a dijelom i 1943. godine. Time mislim na različite osobe koje su kao dužnosnici NDH u Banja Luci obnašale vlast. Na promjene kod tih dužnosnika utjecao je odnos vlasti NDH, odnosno ustaškog pokreta prema bosanskohercegovačkim muslimanima, koje su oni smatrali sastavnim dijelom hrvatske nacije. Također je na te promjene utjecala i politika NDH prema srpskom stanovništvu, odnosno državni teror koji je NDH, nakon proglašenja, pokrenula prema njemu, a zatim ustanak tog stanovništva protiv NDH, što je njezine vlasti prisiljavalo na promjene prethodnih postupaka. ; The article presents the personal changes within the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH) in the town of Banja Luka in north-western Bosnia. After the Axis attack on Kingdom of Yugoslavia in April 1941 and the proclamation of NDH ruled by Ustasha movement, whole of Bosnia-Herzegovina was incorporated into its territory. Banja Luka was an important centre in north-western Bosnia. The majority of population in that part of Bosnia was made up of Orthodox Serbs, while the rest were Catholic Croats and Moslems. Immediately after the establishment of NDH authority in Banja Luka the main role was played by Viktor Gutić, a pre-war lawyer. Gutić became the head of the ruling Ustasha movement in Banja Luka and north-western Bosnia, but he was also the head of the civilian administration. New Ustasha regime immediately began with policies directed against the Serbs, ranging from abolishment of their national and religious identity to forced resettlements of certain parts of Serbs to Serbia. The new regime also committed mass killings of parts of Serb population. As a strongman in Banja Luka, Gutić distinguished himself in implementation of such policies. But in July of 1941 mass uprising of Serbs broke out in north-western Bosnia and it soon brought NDH authorities in a difficult situation. The uprising would gradually develop into two mutually opposed movements, the Partisans led by Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the royalist Chetnik movement. With the challenge put by mass uprising of Serbs, NDH authorities gradually realized that the arbitrary violence against Serbs, that went even beyond the official anti-Serb measures, backfired. Therefore, NDH introduced certain measures aimed at de-escalation of violence and peaceful efforts to dissuade Serbs from rebellion. This was best seen in the activities of the Committee for the examination and establishment of public safety and order that was established in Banja Luka in late 1941. The committee was headed by Croatian air-force colonel Ivan Mrak and its duty, among others, was to investigate and punish those who committed atrocities against the Serb population, while simultaneously calling Serbs who have rebelled to return to their homes, guaranteeing them safety. In August of 1941 Viktor Gutić was recalled from his duty in Banja Luka. He formally became a high official in the Ministry of internal affairs, but in fact he was stripped of real authority and removed from Banja Luka. Position of Moslem community in Banja Luka and north-western Bosnia was also of great importance. According to the Ustasha ideology, Moslems of Bosnia-Herzegovina were integral and equal part of the Croatian nation. Therefore, for Ante Pavelić, as head of NDH and Ustasha movement, it was of crucial importance to gain the support of the Moslems. Before the proclamation of NDH the Ustasha movement had a certain number of Moslem supporters. But after Ustasha came to power, Pavelić realized that he needs the support of those Moslem politicians who headed former Yugoslav Moslem Organization, the strongest political party of the Moslem community in Bosnia-Herzegovina during the period of Kingdom of Yugoslavia. For these reasons Džafer Kulenović, distinguished representative of the Yugoslav Moslem Organization, became the vice-president of Government of NDH. Contrary to such general policy, Viktor Gutić, while he was in power in Banja Luka, led sectarian policies that caused the discontent of the Moslem community. But Moslem representatives from Banja Luka, counting on Moslem members of the NDH government, could influence the decision making in Zagreb and were able to counter Gutić's policies. Although Gutić was removed from Banja Luka he still had supporters there, among others in the hierarchy of the Catholic church. Therefore, conflict between Gutić's group and the Moslems continued. Ultimately in summer of 1942. Ante Pavelić appointed Dragan Hadrović as a head of Great County of Sana-Luka in Banja Luka. Hadrović was a Catholic, but with the obvious support of Pavelić and Moslem members of NDH government he began leading a pro-Moslem policy, entering into a conflict with Gutić and his supporters. In a wider sense Hadrović was leading a policy of moderation, opposed to the various excesses of certain other institutions of NDH and representatives of the Ustasha movement. With such policies Hadrović soon gathered enemies within the NDH structures and was also in conflict with the Catholic bishop in Banja Luka, Jozo Garić. Finally, in July of 1943 Hadrović was assassinated by a bomb planted in a postal parcel. It was never officially established who assassinated him, but all sources suggest that the bomb was planted by certain elements within the Ustasha movement who opposed Hadrović's policies. The article follows these events through all important changes and developments within the NDH administration in Banja Luka. Ultimately it can be concluded that NDH regime itself was heterogeneous, with various splits within its ranks. These splits occurred between Catholic and Moslems as well as between those who, according to the changing circumstances, opted and called for more moderate policies, while other remained sectarian and prone to uncompromising and/or violent solutions.
U siječnju 2020. uredi državne uprave kao prvostupanjska tijela državne uprave ukinuti su, a njihovi poslovi povjereni su na obavljanje županijama u njihov preneseni djelokrug. Na temelju polustrukturiranih intervjua s pročelnicima županijskih upravnih tijela za poslove opće uprave ocjenjuju se prvi dosadašnji rezultati ove organizacijske promjene. Preliminarni rezultati na koje upućuju intervjui pokazuju da je ukidanje ureda državne uprave u ispitanim županijama dovelo do boljih materijalnih prava službenika, boljih materijalnih uvjeta rada, nepromijenjenog ili nešto boljeg položaja građana, ali i slabijeg nadzora središnje države nad povjerenim poslovima i jedinicama lokalne samouprave. Neka pitanja su otvorena: utječe li smanjenje broja službenika na kvalitetu rada i hoće li broj službenika opet rasti; kakav je položaj župana i hoće li doći do jačanja politizacije te kakva je buduća uloga županija. ; In January 2020, the county state administration offices, as former first-instance state administration bodies, ceased to operate. By legislative amendments of October 2019, most of their tasks were transferred to the counties' delegated scope of affairs. The paper presents the peculiarities of the legal regime of delegated scope of affairs and it introduces the organizational forms that the counties are using in order to perform the delegated tasks. The first results of the abolition of county administrative offices are evaluated on the basis of semi-structured interviews conducted with the heads of county administration bodies responsible for general administration affairs. The results obtained so far are classified into three categories. The first category consists of the positive results of this organizational change: better material rights of employees, better working conditions and unchanged or slightly improved position of citizens. The second category consists of the negative results: weaker control exercised by the central government and the loss of control over general acts of units of local self-government. The third category consists of open questions: whether there will be a new increase in the number of employees, or whether their current reduction will affect the quality of work; what is the position of the county governor and whether politicization will increase; what is the future role of counties and whether there can be inequality in the performance of delegated state tasks between counties. The paper represents the basis for further evaluation studies on the abolition of county state administration offices and opens the doors for further research.
