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It is well known that since the 1980s the political importance of regional political movements in Europe has grown ever more and yet there exists a huge amount of mostly political and sociological investigations about the phenomenon. The majority of the authors seem to agree, that the regionalist movements should be viewed in relation to discrepancies between the respective national government and the supranational European level. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.

In this paper the activities of regional and nationalist movements in Britain are analysed with respect to five hypotheses: The degree and form of representation, including the role of elites; the extent of participation in regional identity; the form of existing and desired forms of decentralisation; the extent of specificness of regional issues; and the extent of central economic and political dominance. Seven major areas are analysed: Shetland, Orkney, Western Isles, Cornwall, Wessex, the North, and North Devon, with some analysis also of Scotland and Wales. The existence of a considerable level of participation in regional identity in some regions, and a remarkable degree of success, by working through existing institutions, of movements in Shetland, Orkney, and North Devon will be demonstrated. For other regions, however, participation is 'dormant'.

While the media tends to pay the most attention to violent secessionist movements or peaceful independence movements, it is just as important to understand why there are regions where political movements for autonomy fail to develop. In neglecting regions without political movements or full-blown independence demands, theories may be partial at best and incorrect at worst.

State Institutions, Civic Associations, and Identity Demands examines over a dozen regions, comparing and contrasting successful cases to abandoned, unsuccessful, or dormant cases. The cases range from successful secession (East Timor, Singapore) and ongoing secessionist movements (Southern Philippines), to internally divided regional movements (Kachin State), low-level regionalist stirrings (Lanna, Taiwan), and local but not regional mobilization of identity (Bali, Minahasan), all the way to failed movements (Bataks, South Maluku) and regions that remain politically inert (East and North Malaysia, Northeast Thailand). While each chapter is written by a country expert, the contributions rely on a range of methods, from comparative historical analysis, to ethnography, field interviews, and data from public opinion surveys. Together, they contribute important new knowledge on little-known cases that nevertheless illuminate the history of regions and ethnic groups in Southeast Asia. Although focused on Southeast Asia, the book identifies the factors that can explain why movements emerge and successfully develop and concludes with a chapter by Henry Hale that illustrates how this can be applied globally.

The Old South's economic stake in western land expansion and slave migration is examined in a two-region, general equilibrium model of slave mobility. The model separates the effect on the Old South's assets and slave population of more western land from that of slave sales per se. The authors conclude that the Old South had no economic stake in the New South. The most conservative estimate reveals that a doubling of western lands in 1850 would have increased Old South wealth by less than two percent.

The article is devoted right-wing populist movements in Germany, which are the direct consequence of the crisis of multicultural community. In their propaganda they speculate on the mood in the society, using Islamophobia as their main weapon. The phenomenon of Islamophobia, or criticism of Islam, as well as the fight against its growing influence, has been heating up on the territory of the EU and, in particular, in Germany, where it is connected with Muslim immigrants. The right-wing movements bring the refugee issue into focus of public attention to strengthen their position in the current political landscape. The subject of the research is the most active and significant right-wing populist movements in modern Germany. The article defines the term of right-wing populism, as well as the most favorable conditions for its occurrence. The paper features the history, political activity and the ideology of the right-wing populist movements in Germany. It also offers a brief outlook on the degree of influence of anti-Islamic attitude in the European and German society. ; Статья посвящена право-популистским движениям Германии, которые являются прямым следствием кризиса мультикультурного сообщества. В своей агитационной работе они спекулируют на настроениях в обществе, используя главным своим оружием исламофобию. Явление исламофобии, или критики ислама, и борьба с его возрастающим влиянием разгораются на пространстве ЕС и в частности в ФРГ вокруг иммигрантов мусульман. Правые движения акцентируют внимание на проблеме беженцев с Востока для укрепления своего положения на политическом ландшафте. В качестве предмета исследования выделяются наиболее активные и значимые право-популистские движения в современной Германии. В тексте статьи кратко проанализирована суть термина правого популизма и наиболее благоприятные условия для его возникновения. В тексте работы рассматривается история, анализ политической деятельности, идеологическая составляющая предмета исследования. Также был сделан краткий прогноз по проблеме степени влияния антиисламских настроений в европейском и германском обществе.

During the summer of 1988 the author made a field-survey of interregional movements of the labour force in rural areas of Jiangsu Province. He discusses outflow of the labour force from rural areas, employment conditions for migrant workers, their living conditions and registration etc